Discrimination based on skin color

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search

Discrimination based on skin color, or colorism, is a form of prejudice or discrimination in which human beings are treated differently based on the social meanings attached to skin color.[1]

Colorism, a term coined by Alice Walker in 1982,[2] is not a synonym of racism. "Race" depends on multiple factors (including ancestry); therefore, racial categorization does not solely rely on skin color. Skin color is only one mechanism used to assign individuals to a racial category, but race is the set of beliefs and assumptions assigned to that category. Racism is the dependence of social status on the social meaning attached to race; colorism is the dependence of social status on skin color alone. In order for a form of discrimination to be considered colorism, differential treatment must not result from racial categorization, but from the social values associated with skin color.[1]

Worldwide[edit]

Several meta-analyses find extensive evidence of ethnic and racial discrimination in hiring in the North-American and European labor markets.[3][4][5] A 2016 meta-analysis of 738 correspondence tests in 43 separate studies conducted in OECD countries between 1990 and 2015 finds that there is extensive racial discrimination in hiring decisions in Europe and North-America.[4] Equivalent minority candidates need to send around 50% more applications to be invited for an interview than majority candidates.[4]

In the 20th century there has been a shift towards a preference for darker, tanned skin in white communities. The beginning of this change has been attributed to Frenchwoman Coco Chanel making tanned skin seem fashionable, luxurious and healthy in Paris in the 1920s.[6] Tanned skin has become associated with the increased leisure time and sportiness of wealth and social status while pale skin is associated with indoor office work.[7] Several studies have found tanned skin is regarded as both more attractive and healthier than pale or very dark skin,[8][9][10][11] and there is a direct correlation between the degree of tanning and perceived attractiveness especially in young women.[12][13]

Africa[edit]

Liberia[edit]

In Liberia, descendants of African-American settlers (renamed Americo-Liberians) in part defined social class and standing by raising people with lighter skin above those with dark skin. The first Americo-Liberian presidents such as Joseph Jenkins Roberts, James Spriggs Payne, and Alfred Francis Russell had considerable proportions of European ancestry. Most may have been only one-quarter or one-eighth African American. Other aspects of their rising to power, however, likely related to their chances for having obtained education and work that provided good livings.[citation needed]

In addition to rivalries among descendants of African Americans, the Americans held themselves above the native Africans in Liberia. Thus, descendants of Americans held and kept power out of proportion to their representation in the population of the entire country, so there was a larger issue than color at work.[citation needed]

South Africa[edit]

Colored people consist of three mixed race populations in South Africa who were given more social privilege than other, unmixed, indigenous African groups. During the apartheid era, in order to keep divisions and maintain a race-focused society, the government used the term Coloured to describe one of the four main racial groups identified by law: Blacks, Whites, Coloureds and Indians. (All four terms were capitalised in apartheid-era law.) Many Griqua began to self-identify as "Coloureds" during the apartheid era. There were certain advantages in becoming classified as "Coloured". For example, Coloureds did not have to carry a dompas (an identity document designed to limit the movements of the non-white populace), while the Griqua, who were seen as another indigenous African group, did.[citation needed]

Sudan[edit]

A popular phrase in Sudan is al-Husnu ahmar (Arabic: الحسن أحمر) meaning "beauty is red", although the whiteness is the ideal color in most Arab societies. The following rankings of beauty in descending order are: asmar (Arabic: أسمر) meaning light tan, literally "brown", dhahabi (Arabic: ذهبي) meaning "golden", gamhi (Arabic: قمحي) meaning wheatish, khamri (Arabic: خمري) meaning wine colored, and lastly akhdar meaning "light black"-literally, "green". Akhdhar is the polite alternative descriptive term for "black" meaning a dark-skinned Arab. Lastly, azraq (Arabic: أزرق) meaning "blue" is used interchangeably with aswad (Arabic: أسود) meaning "black"; however, in the past aswad has referred to white, light skin.[14]

Asia[edit]

In Asia a preference for lighter skin remains prevalent.[15] Four out of ten women surveyed in Hong Kong, Malaysia, the Philippines and South Korea used a skin whitening cream.[16]

The history of skin whitening in Asia dates far back to ancient China and Japan (c. ___BC). In the ancient dynastic eras, to be light in an environment in which the sun was harsh meant implied wealth and nobility remaining indoors with servants to labor outside.[15] In many Asian cultures, colorism is taught to children in the form of fairy tales, just as the Grimms' fairy tales featured light-skinned princesses or maidens; Asian mythological protagonists are typically fair and depict virtue, purity, and goodness. A light complexion is equated with feminine beauty, racial superiority, and power, and continues to have strong influences on marital prospects, employment, status, and income.[17]

India[edit]

Discrimination based on skin color was most visible in British India, where skin color served as a signal of high status for the foreign British who actively promoted the idea.[citation needed]

The caste system in India too involves complications of skin color. British historians observed that since the upper castes were not involved in tedious labor and weren't as exposed to the sun as the lower castes, they used to stay indoors and thus possessed lighter brown skin.[citation needed] The lower castes on the other hand had higher melanin concentration in their skin cells due to continued exposure to sun from working in agricultural fields and outdoors.[18] Indians prefer their matrimonial partners to be light-skinned.[citation needed] The deep-rooted color bias has ensured that there is extensive discrimination in the labor market, as people with light skin are generally preferred.[citation needed]

Malaysia[edit]

A survey concluded that three quarters of Malaysian men thought their partners would be more attractive if they had lighter skin complexions.[15]

Europe[edit]

Research suggests that police practices, such as racial profiling, over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects in Sweden, Italy, and England and Wales.[19][20][21][22][23] Research also suggests that there may be possible discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions for racial minorities in Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Germany, Denmark and France.[19][21][22][24][25][26][27]

Several meta-analyses find extensive evidence of ethnic and racial discrimination in hiring in the North-American and European labor markets.[3][4][5] A 2016 meta-analysis of 738 correspondence tests in 43 separate studies conducted in OECD countries between 1990 and 2015 finds that there is extensive racial discrimination in hiring decisions in Europe and North-America.[4] Equivalent minority candidates need to send around 50% more applications to be invited for an interview than majority candidates.[4]

A 2014 meta-analysis found extensive evidence of racial and ethnic discrimination in the housing market of several European countries.[3]

South America[edit]

Brazil[edit]

Brazil has one of the largest population of African descendants (living outside of Africa) in the world. Individuals with lighter skin and who are racially mixed generally have higher rates of social mobility.[28] There are a disproportionate number of mostly European descent elites than those of visible African descent. There are large health, education and income disparities between the races in Brazil.[29] A study on racial bias in teacher evaluations in Brazil found that Brazilian math teachers gave better grading assessments of white students than equally proficient and equivalently well-behaved black students.[30]

North America[edit]

United States[edit]

History[edit]

European colonialism created a system of white supremacy and racist ideology, which led to a structure of domination that privileged whiteness over blackness. Biological differences in skin color were used as a justification for the enslavement and oppression of Africans, developing a social hierarchy that placed whites at the top and blacks at the bottom. Slaves with lighter complexion were allowed to engage in less strenuous tasks, like domestic duties, while the darker slaves participated in hard labor, which was more than likely outdoors.[31] African American with a partial white heritage were seen to be smarter and superior to dark-skinned blacks, giving them broader opportunities for education and the acquisition of land and property.[32]

Business[edit]

A 2014 meta-analysis of racial discrimination in product markets found extensive evidence of minority applicants being quoted higher prices for products.[3] A 1995 study found that car dealers "quoted significantly lower prices to white males than to black or female test buyers using identical, scripted bargaining strategies."[33] A 2013 study found that eBay sellers of iPods received 21 percent more offers if a white hand held the iPod in the photo than a black hand.[34]

Criminal justice system[edit]

Research suggests that police practices, such as racial profiling, over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects.[35][36][37][38] Research also suggests that there may be possible discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions for racial minorities.[39][40][41][42][43] A 2012 study found that "(i) juries formed from all-white jury pools convict black defendants significantly (16 percentage points) more often than white defendants, and (ii) this gap in conviction rates is entirely eliminated when the jury pool includes at least one black member."[41] Research has found evidence of in-group bias, where "black (white) juveniles who are randomly assigned to black (white) judges are more likely to get incarcerated (as opposed to being placed on probation), and they receive longer sentences."[43] In-group bias has also been observed when it comes to traffic citations, as black and white cops are more likely to cite out-groups.[37]

In criminal sentencing, medium to dark-skinned African Americans are likely to receive sentences 2.6 years longer than those of whites or light-skinned African Americans. When a white victim is involved, those with more "black" features are likely to receive a much more severe punishment.[44]

Being "too black" has recently been acknowledged by the U.S. Federal courts in an employment discrimination case under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In Etienne v. Spanish Lake Truck & Casino Plaza, LLC the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, determined that an employee who was told on several occasions that her manager thought she was “too black” to do various tasks, found that the issue of the employee's skin color rather than race itself, played a key role in an employer's decision to keep the employee from advancing.[45]

Education[edit]

A 2015 study using correspondence tests "found that when considering requests from prospective students seeking mentoring in the future, faculty were significantly more responsive to White males than to all other categories of students, collectively, particularly in higher-paying disciplines and private institutions."[46] Through affirmative action, there is reason to believe that elite colleges favor minority applicants.[47]

The phrase “brown paper bag test”, also known as a paper bag party, along with the "ruler test" refers to a ritual once practiced by certain African-American sororities and fraternities who would not let anyone into the group whose skin tone was darker than a paper bag.[48] Spike Lee's film School Daze satirized this practice at historically black colleges and universities.[49] Along with the "paper bag test," guidelines for acceptance among the lighter ranks included the "comb test" and “pencil test,” which tested the coarseness of one's hair, and the "flashlight test," which tested a person's profile to make sure their features measured up or were close enough to those of the Caucasian race.[48]

Health[edit]

A 1999 study found that doctors treat black and white patients differently, even when their medical files were statistically identical.[50] When shown patient histories and asked to make judgments about heart disease, the doctors were much less likely to recommend cardiac catheterization (a helpful procedure) to black patients.[50]

Housing[edit]

A 2014 meta-analysis found extensive evidence of racial discrimination in the American housing market.[3] Minority applicants for housing needed to make many more enquiries to view properties.[3] Geographical steering of African-Americans in US housing remained significant.[3] A 2003 study finds "evidence that agents interpret an initial housing request as an indication of a customer's preferences, but also are more likely to withhold a house from all customers when it is in an integrated suburban neighborhood (redlining). Moreover, agents' marketing efforts increase with asking price for white, but not for black, customers; blacks are more likely than whites to see houses in suburban, integrated areas (steering); and the houses agents show are more likely to deviate from the initial request when the customer is black than when the customer is white. These three findings are consistent with the possibility that agents act upon the belief that some types of transactions are relatively unlikely for black customers (statistical discrimination)."[51]

A report by the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development where the department sent African-Americans and whites to look at apartments found that African-Americans were shown fewer apartments to rent and houses for sale.[52]

Labor market[edit]

Several meta-analyses find extensive evidence of ethnic and racial discrimination in hiring in the American labor market.[3][4][5] A 2016 meta-analysis of 738 correspondence tests - tests where identical CVs for stereotypically black and white names were sent to employers - in 43 separate studies conducted in OECD countries between 1990 and 2015 finds that there is extensive racial discrimination in hiring decisions in Europe and North-America.[4] These correspondence tests showed that equivalent minority candidates need to send around 50% more applications to be invited for an interview than majority candidates.[4][53] A study that examine the job applications of actual people provided with identical résumés and similar interview training showed that African-American applicants with no criminal record were offered jobs at a rate as low as white applicants who had criminal records.[54]

Research suggests that light-skinned African American women have higher salaries and greater job satisfaction than dark-skinned women.[55]

Media[edit]

The media is responsible for influencing beliefs regarding ideas of beauty in the African American community. Mass media productions often perpetuate discrimination based on skin color. African Americans possessing lighter skin complexion and “European features,” such as lighter eyes, and smaller noses and lips have more opportunities in the media industry. For example, film producers hire lighter-skinned African Americans more often, television producers choose lighter skinned cast members, and magazine editors choose African American models that resemble European features.[56] As a result, the media industry sends the messages that African Americans with Eurocentric features are more likely to be accepted, diminishing the status of darker-skinned African Americans.

In regards to the magazine industry, African American women are rarely showcased in the most popular magazines. Therefore, African American girls have difficultly identifying with the models showcased in these magazines, because they do not represent the type of women that they come into contact with in their own communities. Recent studies have indicated that the number of racially biased advertisements in magazines have increased over the years. A content analysis conducted by Scott and Neptune (1997) shows that less than one percent of advertisements in major magazines featured African American models. When African Americans did appear in advertisements they were mainly portrayed as athletes, entertainers or unskilled laborers. In addition, seventy percent of the advertisements that features animal print included African American women. Animal print reinforces the stereotypes that African Americans are animalistic in nature, sexually active, less educated, have lower income, and extremely concerned with personal appearances.[57]

Concerning African American males in the media, darker skinned men are more likely to be portrayed as violent or more threatening, influencing the public perception of African American men. Since dark-skinned males are more likely to be linked to crime and misconduct, many people develop preconceived notions about the characteristics of black men.[58]

Politics[edit]

A 2011 study found that white state legislators of both political parties were less likely to respond to constituents with African-American names.[59] A 2013 study found that in response to e-mail correspondence from a putatively black alias, "nonblack legislators were markedly less likely to respond when their political incentives to do so were diminished, black legislators typically continued to respond even when doing so promised little political reward. Black legislators thus appear substantially more intrinsically motivated to advance blacks’ interests."[60]

Some research suggests that white voters' voting behavior is motivated by racial threat. A 2016 study, for instance, found that white Chicago voters' turnout decreased when public housing was reconstructed and 25,000 African Americans displaced. This suggest that white voters' turnout decreased due to not living in proximity to African-Americans.[61]

Voter ID laws have brought on accusations of racial discrimination. In a 2014 review by the Government Accountability Office of the academic literature, three studies out of five found that voter ID laws reduced minority turnout whereas two studies found no significant impact.[62] Disparate impact may also be reflected in access to information about voter ID laws. A 2015 experimental study found that election officials queried about voter ID laws are more likely to respond to emails from a non-Latino white name (70.5% response rate) than a Latino name (64.8% response rate), though response accuracy was similar across groups.[63] Studies have also analyzed racial differences in ID requests rates. A 2012 study in the city of Boston found that black and Hispanic voters were more likely to be asked for ID during the 2008 election. According to exit polls, 23% of whites, 33% of blacks, and 38% of Hispanics were asked for ID, though this effect is partially attributed to black and Hispanics preferring non-peak voting hours when election officials inspected a greater portion of IDs. Precinct differences also confound the data as black and Hispanic voters tended to vote at black and Hispanic-majority precincts.[64] A 2010 study of the 2006 midterm election in New Mexico found that Hispanics were more likely to incur ID requests while early voters, women, and non-Hispanics were less likely to incur requests.[65] A 2009 study of the 2006 midterm election nationwide found that 47% of white voters reported being asked to show photo identification at the polls, compared with 54% of Hispanics and 55% of African Americans."[66] Very few were however denied the vote as a result of voter identification requests.[66] A 2015 study found that turnout among blacks in Georgia was generally higher since the state began enforcing its strict voter ID law.[67] A 2016 study by University of California, San Diego researchers found that voter ID laws "have a differentially negative impact on the turnout of Hispanics, Blacks, and mixed-race Americans in primaries and general elections."[68]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b Jones, Trina (2001). "Shades of Brown: The Law of Skin Color". Duke Law Journal 49 (1487). doi:10.2139/ssrn.233850. 
  2. ^ Walker, Alice (1983). "If the Present Looks Like the Past, What Does the Future Look Like?" (1982)". In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens 290: 290–91. 
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h "IZA - Institute for the Study of Labor". www.iza.org. Retrieved 2016-04-24. 
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i Zschirnt, Eva; Ruedin, Didier (2016-05-27). "Ethnic discrimination in hiring decisions: a meta-analysis of correspondence tests 1990–2015". Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 42 (7): 1115–1134. doi:10.1080/1369183X.2015.1133279. ISSN 1369-183X. 
  5. ^ a b c "http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/store/10.1111/1468-0297.00080/asset/1468-0297.00080.pdf?v=1&t=indwnlzz&s=5ef7bfcc010b4cb352ad16f60096ac7136a67a1c" (PDF). doi:10.1111/1468-0297.00080/asset/1468-0297.00080.pdf.  External link in |title= (help)
  6. ^ Koskoff, Sharon (2007). Art Deco of the Palm Beaches. Chicago: Arcadia Publishing. p. 2. ISBN 9780738544151. 
  7. ^ Kruszelnicki, Karl (1 March 2001). "Skin Colour 1". ABC Science. Australian Broadcasting Commission. Retrieved 19 November 2013. 
  8. ^ "Use of Sunscreen, Sunburning Rates, and Tanning Bed Use Among More Than 10 000 US Children and Adolescents". PEDIATRICS (pediatrics.aappublications.org) 109 (6): 1009–1014. 2002-06-06. Retrieved 2010-09-14. 
  9. ^ "Effects of Suntan on Judgements of Healthiness and Attractiveness by Adolescents – Broadstock". Journal of Applied Social Psychology – Wiley Online Library (.interscience.wiley.com). 2006-07-31. Retrieved 2012-08-18. 
  10. ^ "The Social Psychology of Tanning and Sunscreen Use: Self-Presentational Motives as a Predictor of Health Risk – Leary". Journal of Applied Social Psychology – Wiley Online Library (.interscience.wiley.com). 2006-07-31. Retrieved 2012-08-18. 
  11. ^ "Tan is 'In': Study Finds Light Brown More Attractive than Pale or Dark Skin". Physorg.com. Retrieved 2012-08-18. 
  12. ^ Leary, Mark R.; Jones, Jody L. (1993). "The Social Psychology of Tanning and Sunscreen Use: Self-Presentational Motives as a Predictor of Health Risk". Journal of Applied Social Psychology 23 (17): 1390–406. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.1993.tb01039.x. 
  13. ^ Banerjee SC, Campo S, Greene K.; Campo; Greene (2008). "Fact or wishful thinking? Biased expectations in "I think I look better when I'm tanned"". American Journal of Health Behavior 32 (3): 243–52. doi:10.5555/ajhb.2008.32.3.243 (inactive 2015-01-12). PMID 18067464. 
  14. ^ Al-Baqr al-Affif Mukhtar (2007). The Crisis of Identity in Northern Sudan: The Dilemma of a Black People with a White Culture. in Fluehr-Lobban and Rhodes, Race and Identity in the Nile Valley. pp. 213–24. 
  15. ^ a b c "Skin Deep: Dying to be White". CNN. 2002-05-15. Retrieved 2010-09-08. 
  16. ^ "Skin whitening big business in Asia". Public Radio International. 30 March 2009. 
  17. ^ Verma, Harsh (2011). "Skin 'fairness'-Culturally Embedded Meaning and Branding Implications". Global Business Review 12 (2): 193–211. doi:10.1177/097215091101200202. 
  18. ^ Savita Malik, The Domination of Fair Skin: Skin Whitening, Indian Women and Public Health, San Francisco State University Department of Health Education (2007).
  19. ^ a b "Diskriminering i rättsprocessen - Brå". www.bra.se (in Swedish). Retrieved 2016-01-26. 
  20. ^ Hällsten, Martin; Szulkin, Ryszard; Sarnecki, Jerzy (2013-05-01). "Crime as a Price of Inequality? The Gap in Registered Crime between Childhood Immigrants, Children of Immigrants and Children of Native Swedes". British Journal of Criminology 53 (3): 456–481. doi:10.1093/bjc/azt005. ISSN 0007-0955. 
  21. ^ a b Crocitti, Stefania. Immigration, Crime, and Criminalization in Italy - Oxford Handbooks. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.029. 
  22. ^ a b Colombo, Asher (2013-11-01). "Foreigners and immigrants in Italy’s penal and administrative detention systems". European Journal of Criminology 10 (6): 746–759. doi:10.1177/1477370813495128. ISSN 1477-3708. 
  23. ^ Parmar, Alpa. Ethnicities, Racism, and Crime in England and Wales - Oxford Handbooks. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.014. 
  24. ^ Holmberg, Lars; Kyvsgaard, Britta. "Are Immigrants and Their Descendants Discriminated against in the Danish Criminal Justice System?". Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention 4 (2): 125–142. doi:10.1080/14043850310020027. 
  25. ^ Roché, Sebastian; Gordon, Mirta B.; Depuiset, Marie-Aude. Case Study - Oxford Handbooks. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.030. 
  26. ^ Light, Michael T. (2016-03-01). "The Punishment Consequences of Lacking National Membership in Germany, 1998–2010". Social Forces 94 (3): 1385–1408. doi:10.1093/sf/sov084. ISSN 0037-7732. 
  27. ^ Wermink, Hilde; Johnson, Brian D.; Nieuwbeerta, Paul; Keijser, Jan W. de (2015-11-01). "Expanding the scope of sentencing research: Determinants of juvenile and adult punishment in the Netherlands". European Journal of Criminology 12 (6): 739–768. doi:10.1177/1477370815597253. ISSN 1477-3708. 
  28. ^ Hernandez, Tanya K. (2006). "Bringing Clarity to Race Relations in Brazil". Diverse: Issues in Higher Education 23 (18): 85. 
  29. ^ Santana, Almeida-Filho, Roberts, Cooper, Vilma, Naomar, Robert, Sharon P.; Almeida-Filho, Naomar; Roberts, Robert; Cooper, Sharon P. (2007). "Skin Color, Perception of Racism and Depression among Adolescents in Urban Brazil". Child & Adolescent Mental Health 12 (3): 125–131. doi:10.1111/j.1475-3588.2007.00447.x. 
  30. ^ "AEJ: Applied (7,4) p. 37 - Racial Discrimination in Grading: Evidence from Brazil". doi:10.1257/app.20140352. 
  31. ^ Hill, Mark E. "Skin Color and the Perception of Attractiveness Among African Americans: Does Gender Make a Difference?" Social Psychology Quarterly 65.1 (2002): 77-91
  32. ^ Russell, K., Wilson, M., & Hall, R. (1993). The color complex: The politics of skin color among African Americans. New York: Anchor Books.
  33. ^ Ayres, Ian; Siegelman, Peter (1995-01-01). "Race and Gender Discrimination in Bargaining for a New Car". American Economic Review 85 (3): 304–21. 
  34. ^ Doleac, Jennifer L.; Stein, Luke C.D. (2013-11-01). "The Visible Hand: Race and Online Market Outcomes". The Economic Journal 123 (572): F469–F492. doi:10.1111/ecoj.12082. ISSN 1468-0297. 
  35. ^ Warren, Patricia Y.; Tomaskovic-Devey, Donald (2009-05-01). "Racial profiling and searches: Did the politics of racial profiling change police behavior?*". Criminology & Public Policy 8 (2): 343–369. doi:10.1111/j.1745-9133.2009.00556.x. ISSN 1745-9133. 
  36. ^ Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System 2008/09, p. 8., 22
  37. ^ a b West, Jeremy. "Racial Bias in Police Investigations" (PDF). 
  38. ^ Donohue III, John J.; Levitt, Steven D. (2001-01-01). "The Impact of Race on Policing and Arrests". The Journal of Law & Economics 44 (2): 367–394. doi:10.1086/322810. 
  39. ^ Abrams, David S.; Bertrand, Marianne; Mullainathan, Sendhil (2012-06-01). "Do Judges Vary in Their Treatment of Race?". The Journal of Legal Studies 41 (2): 347–383. doi:10.1086/666006. ISSN 0047-2530. 
  40. ^ Mustard, David B. (2001-04-01). "Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Disparities in Sentencing: Evidence from the U.S. Federal Courts". The Journal of Law and Economics 44 (1): 285–314. doi:10.1086/320276. ISSN 0022-2186. 
  41. ^ a b Anwar, Shamena; Bayer, Patrick; Hjalmarsson, Randi (2012-05-01). "The Impact of Jury Race in Criminal Trials". The Quarterly Journal of Economics 127 (2): 1017–1055. doi:10.1093/qje/qjs014. ISSN 0033-5533. 
  42. ^ Daudistel, Howard C.; Hosch, Harmon M.; Holmes, Malcolm D.; Graves, Joseph B. (1999-02-01). "Effects of Defendant Ethnicity on Juries' Dispositions of Felony Cases1". Journal of Applied Social Psychology 29 (2): 317–336. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb01389.x. ISSN 1559-1816. 
  43. ^ a b Depew, Briggs; Eren, Ozkan; Mocan, Naci (2016-02-01). "Judges, Juveniles and In-group Bias". National Bureau of Economic Research. 
  44. ^ Hochschild, Jennifer L. "The Skin Color Paradox and the American Racial Order." Social Forces 86.2 (2007): 643-670.
  45. ^ Riddle, Benjamin L. (25 February 2015). ""Too Black": Waitress’s Claim of Color Bias Raises Novel Title VII Claim". The National Law Review. Retrieved 28 February 2015. 
  46. ^ Milkman, Katherine L.; Akinola, Modupe; Chugh, Dolly (2015-11-01). "What happens before? A field experiment exploring how pay and representation differentially shape bias on the pathway into organizations". The Journal of Applied Psychology 100 (6): 1678–1712. doi:10.1037/apl0000022. ISSN 1939-1854. PMID 25867167. 
  47. ^ "Espenshade, T.J. and Radford, A.W.: No Longer Separate, Not Yet Equal: Race and Class in Elite College Admission and Campus Life. (eBook, Paperback and Hardcover)". press.princeton.edu. Retrieved 2016-04-24. 
  48. ^ a b Kerr, A. E. (2006). The paper bag principle: Class, colorism, and rumor in the case of black Washington, DC. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press.
  49. ^ Spike Lee, "School Daze," 40 Acres & A Mule Filmworks, Columbia Pictures Corporation
  50. ^ a b Schulman, Kevin A.; Berlin, Jesse A.; Harless, William; Kerner, Jon F.; Sistrunk, Shyrl; Gersh, Bernard J.; Dubé, Ross; Taleghani, Christopher K.; Burke, Jennifer E. (1999-02-25). "The Effect of Race and Sex on Physicians' Recommendations for Cardiac Catheterization". New England Journal of Medicine 340 (8): 618–626. doi:10.1056/NEJM199902253400806. ISSN 0028-4793. PMID 10029647. 
  51. ^ Ondrich, Jan; Ross, Stephen; Yinger, John (2003-11-01). "Now You See It, Now You Don't: Why Do Real Estate Agents Withhold Available Houses from Black Customers?". Review of Economics and Statistics 85 (4): 854–873. doi:10.1162/003465303772815772. ISSN 0034-6535. 
  52. ^ "Housing Discrimination against Racial and Ethnic Minorities 2012: Full Report". www.urban.org. Retrieved 2016-04-23. 
  53. ^ Bertrand, Marianne; Mullainathan, Sendhil. "Are Emily and Greg More Employable Than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination". American Economic Review 94 (4): 991–1013. doi:10.1257/0002828042002561. 
  54. ^ Pager, Devah; Western, Bruce; Bonikowski, Bart (2009-10-01). "Discrimination in a Low-Wage Labor Market A Field Experiment". American Sociological Review 74 (5): 777–799. doi:10.1177/000312240907400505. ISSN 0003-1224. PMC 2915472. PMID 20689685. 
  55. ^ Hunter, Margaret (2002). "'If You're Light You're Alright': Light Skin Color as Social Capital for Women of Color". Gender and Society 16: 175–93. doi:10.1177/08912430222104895. 
  56. ^ Woodard, K (2000). "Traumatic Shame: Toni Morrison, Televisual Culture, and the Cultural Politics of the Emotions". Cultural Critique 46 (1): 210–240. doi:10.2307/1354414. 
  57. ^ Pious, Scott; Neptune, Dominique (1997). "Racial and Gender Biases in Magazine Advertising: A Content-Analytic Study". Psychology of Women Quarterly 21 (4): 627–644. doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00135.x. 
  58. ^ Hall, R (1995). "The bleaching syndrome: African American's response to cultural domination vis-A-vis skin color". Journal of Black Studies 26: 172–184. doi:10.1177/002193479502600205. 
  59. ^ Butler, Daniel M.; Broockman, David E. (2011-07-01). "Do Politicians Racially Discriminate Against Constituents? A Field Experiment on State Legislators". American Journal of Political Science 55 (3): 463–477. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00515.x. ISSN 1540-5907. 
  60. ^ Broockman, David E. (2013-07-01). "Black Politicians Are More Intrinsically Motivated to Advance Blacks’ Interests: A Field Experiment Manipulating Political Incentives". American Journal of Political Science 57 (3): 521–536. doi:10.1111/ajps.12018. ISSN 1540-5907. 
  61. ^ Enos, Ryan D. (2016-01-01). "What the Demolition of Public Housing Teaches Us about the Impact of Racial Threat on Political Behavior". American Journal of Political Science 60 (1): 123–142. doi:10.1111/ajps.12156. ISSN 1540-5907. 
  62. ^ "Elections: Issues Related to State Voter Identification Laws [Reissued on February 27, 2015]". www.gao.gov. Retrieved 2016-04-03. 
  63. ^ White, Ariel R.; Nathan, Noah L.; Faller, Julie K. (2015-02-01). "What Do I Need to Vote? Bureaucratic Discretion and Discrimination by Local Election Officials". American Political Science Review 109 (01): 129–142. doi:10.1017/S0003055414000562. ISSN 1537-5943. 
  64. ^ Cobb, Rachael V.; Greiner; James, D.; Quinn, Kevin M. (2010-06-14). "Can Voter ID Laws Be Administered in a Race-Neutral Manner? Evidence from the City of Boston in 2008". Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network. 
  65. ^ Atkeson, Lonna Rae; Bryant, Lisa Ann; Hall, Thad E.; Saunders, Kyle; Alvarez, Michael (2010-03-01). "A new barrier to participation: Heterogeneous application of voter identification policies". Electoral Studies 29 (1): 66–73. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2009.08.001. 
  66. ^ a b Ansolabehere, Stephen (2009-01-01). "Effects of Identification Requirements on Voting: Evidence from the Experiences of Voters on Election Day". PS: Political Science & Politics 42 (01): 127–130. doi:10.1017/S1049096509090313. ISSN 1537-5935. 
  67. ^ Gillespie, June Andra. "Voter Identification and Black Voter Turnout An Examination of Black Voter Turnout Patterns in Georgia, 2000-2014". Phylon 52 (2): 43–67. 
  68. ^ Hajnal, Zoltan; et al. (2016). "Voter Identification Laws and the Suppression of Minority Votes" (PDF). Retrieved 29 March 2016. 

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]