Environmental racism in Europe

Environmental racism in Europe has been documented in relation to racialized immigrant populations as well as Romani (Roma/Gypsy) and Indigenous communities (such as the Saami in Scandinavia and the Komi in Russia) from within continental borders. Environmental racism describes the phenomena of environmental injustice within a racialized context, in which socially marginalized minority communities are subjected to disproportionate exposure of environmental hazards, the denial of access to sources of ecological sustenance (such as clean air, water, and natural resources), or both. According to the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), environmental justice is "the fair treatment for people of all races, cultures, and incomes, regarding the development of environmental laws, regulations and policies." Instances of environmental racism can include exposure to toxic waste, flooding, pollution from heavy industrial or natural resource extraction developments, lack of utilities such as clean water, or exclusion from land management and natural resource-related decision making. In particular, the transition from socialism in Eastern and Central Europe has led to an increased visibility of Romani marginalization and environmental exclusion whose effects continue to be felt throughout Europe.

In Western Europe, existing patterns of environmental racism toward Romani communities have been aggravated by the effects of Eastern Bloc transition. According to Trehan and Kocze, "EU accession for the post-socialist countries has resulted in a de facto centre and periphery within Europe itself, thus exacerbating the already marginal economic and political position of Roma in Europe whose communities continue to subsist as internal colonies within Europe." This peripheral position, in which segregated Romani settlements and their inhabitants become viewed as de-territorialized zones "beyond the pale" of government responsibility and European Union citizenship has been identified by some scholars as an aggravating factor in the prevalence of environmental hazards (such as proximity to industrial facilities and illegal or toxic waste dumps). Furthermore, this phenomenon has been identified in relation to the lack of basic services such as water, housing, sanitation and access to education affecting marginalized Romani communities.

The effects of environmental marginalization may have related political implications for both Romani and Indigenous communities in Europe. Environmental justice and access to land-based rights is a significant issue, as both groups inhabit territories as non-majority populations under the sovereignty of various nation states. Romani and Indigenous groups often seek increased agency with regards to autonomy, self-government, and/or sovereignty without exercising exclusive territorial sovereignty rights, to the effect that issues surrounding the negotiation and sharing of access to environmental rights and resources are of particular relevance within contemporary constitutional European legal contexts.

Central and Eastern Europe

In Central and Eastern Europe, socialist governments have generally prioritized industrial development over environmental protection, in spite of growing public and governmental environmental awareness in the 1960s and 1970s. Even though public concern over the environmental impacts of industrial expansion such as mine and dam construction grew in the late 1980s and early 1990s, policy makers continued to focus on privatization and economic development. Following the market transition, environmental issues have persisted, despite some improvements during the early stages of transition. Throughout this time, significant social restructuring took place alongside environmental changes.

Romani peoples have inhabited Central and Eastern Europe for six hundred years, and have traditionally worked or been employed as agricultural day laborers, musicians, tinsmiths (tinkers), and blacksmiths. According to Krista Harper, Tamara Steger, and Richard Filčák, "low-income Roma in Hungary and Slovakia have borne the brunt of the post-socialist economic transformation." For example, it has been argued that Hungary's community of 100,000 Romani people living in segregated settlements has suffered as a result of poor social and environmental conditions.

In Central and Eastern Europe, Romani people themselves are often treated as environmentally problematic subjects. One example is the recent phenomenon of Slovak authorities "targeting Romani communities for forced evictions under the pretext of environmental law."

On October 30, 2012, 150 people were evicted from their homes in the district of Nižné Kapustníky (Kosice); 60 of the evicted residents were children. Further evictions were planned for 200 people from the Pod Hrádkom neighbourhood of Prešov under similar legal circumstances. According to the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC), these evictions are part of a growing trend in which authorities are justifying evictions by designating Romani settlements as 'communal waste.' Over 400 mayors of towns and villages in Slovakia have joined a movement by the name of Zobudme sa! (Let's Wake Up!) which, according to the ERRC, "aspires to coordinate a targeted programme of demolition aimed at Roma settlements by defining them as waste dumps."

Another example of this phenomenon can be seen in the region near the transportation corridor between Prešov and Poprad in Slovakia. The area is an important foraging region for Romani communities, who collect mushrooms and berries during the summer for trade and direct consumption. Romani selling mushrooms and berries at the side of the road is a common sight; the activity is particularly important due to the poor living conditions of many Romani in the area, who frequently take part in the illegal harvesting of state and private agricultural lands. In 2006, a popular magazine published an article titled "Grasshoppers: While Roma from Tatra Region Make Money on Forests, Bears are Getting Hungry." In the article, it was alleged that due to Romani foraging, Slovak bears could not find sufficient food to survive the winter. This fits a pattern described by K. Harper et al, in which Romani people in Hungary are viewed as a group that "lacks environmental awareness," while simultaneously being "dissociated from any timeless connections to land":

Contemporary environmental discourses tend to portray marginalized and indigenous people in either of two ways: as noble savages or as environmental profligates (Krech, 1999). Unlike indigenous people, however, the Roma in Hungary are not associated with a timeless, revered 'environmental ethic'—perhaps because they were excluded from owning land (Csalog, 1994). In fact, the most destitute Roma have been chided for their short-sighted use of environmental resources: heating the house with forest wood and parts of the house itself (Ladányi and Szelényi, 2006 ...), engaging in extremely hazardous scrap metal processing and allegedly overharvesting snowdrop flowers to sell in the city. While many observers acknowledge the structural inequalities and histories underlying Roma communities' rural and post-industrial indigence, the fact remains that non-Roma widely see the Roma as a group that profoundly lacks environmental awareness.

Slovakia

In Slovakia, many Romani were settled by the fourteenth century. In 1927, a new Act on Nomadic Roma came into place, whose statutes dictated that nomadic Romani were not to settle in locations of their choosing, but as selected by the mayors of villages. During the Second World War, thousands of Slovak Romani were transported to extermination camps in Nazi Germany.

Following the war, Romani were largely left out of postwar land redistribution schemes. Further to this, one of the first laws created by the postwar government was the 'Directive on Governing Certain Conditions of Gypsies,' which states that "In villages where they [Roma] have dwellings in proximity to public, state-owned and other roads, the dwellings will be removed, placed separately from the village on distant places selected by the village." The implications of this law was that Romani communities, recently liquidated by the Nazi Holocaust and without resources to purchase land, were now subject to the settlement plans of non-Romani decision-makers.

After initially treating Romani as "non-workers existing 'outside the class system'" (in spite of their history of working as agricultural day laborers prior to the war), socialist governments created policies that led to the rapid integration of Romani communities into the industrial labour force. In spite of official socialist policies of equality, social divisions and social stratification remained. Romani communities experienced poverty emerging from the market transition, as well as significant vulnerability to environmental issues and the negative impacts of industrialization.

In Slovakia, these issues are particularly visible in the eastern region of the country. During the mid-1950s, research was conducted on Romani shantytowns by the Slovak government; this research determined that there were 1,305 segregated Romani shantytowns (defined by Filčák as "units of irregular low-cost and self-constructed housing built on terrain seized and occupied legally or illegally—often on lands belonging to third parties, most often located on the periphery of cities). In 1965, after failed attempts at economic and social integration, the Slovak government began to attempt more drastic policies aimed at assimilation of the Romani body politic. The new policies, aimed primarily at Romani settlements in Eastern Slovakia sought to create employment for all able-bodied Romani, particularly Roma males; the termination of Romani shantytowns and resettlement into modern housing; and programs to support Romani students accessing formal education. At this time, out of a total country-wide population of 153,000 Romani, 103,000 (67.3%) were living in shantytown settlements. In spite of these policies, shantytowns only decreased in number slowly.

According to a 2004 survey by sociologists from the Social Policy Analysis Center (SPACE) Foundation and the Institute for Public Affairs Bratislava, with support from the World Bank and the Canadian International Development Agency, and conducted on behalf of the Slovakian government, there are an estimated 320,000 Romani individuals living in Slovakia in 1,575 "integrated and segregated settlements." According to this study, out of a total of 619 segregated settlements identified, 418 of these settlements are located in the East, and some of these settlements have close to 100% unemployment. According to Filčák, after the resettlement program was terminated as a result of post-socialist funding shortages, shantytowns began to grow again, largely due to economic conditions.

As these settlements have grown, impoverished Romani communities became more visible, land has become scarce, and tensions with non-Romani communities have risen. The environmental implications of this scenario has been that that these communities have been marginalized onto environmentally problematic parcels of land, where patterns of environmental issues entail exposure to hazardous waste and chemicals, vulnerability to floods, limited access to potable water, and discriminatory waste management practices.

Further deepening these patterns of environmental concerns, the rapid growth of these settlements in a context where freedom of settlement and movement is restricted due to discrimination from the majority population has complicated property rights and entitlements and hence the legal ability to participate in land-based decision-making. According to Filčák, Romani in Slovakia "usually own most of the land under their houses in shantytowns, and they do not own any agricultural land or forest in villages" [...]. Due to land ownership laws in Slovakia, Romani settlements exist in a context of "fragmented land divided among many owners, making any entitlements control based on ownership often [not] only virtual (sic), but non-existent in reality." In the words of Filčák,

many Roma settlements are found on the outskirts of villages, separated from the majority of the population by roads, railways or other barriers, disconnected from water pipelines and sewage treatment, and close to landfills or in regularly flooded areas. The location of these settlements confirms experience from other countries: access to natural resources and exposure to environmental risks are not equally distributed and class and/or ethnic affiliation play[s] [an] important role (sic).

Several Romani communities in Eastern Slovakia have been identified by Filčák as examples of systemic environmental injustice.

Rudňany

The region of Slovenské Rudohorie has a long industrial history, which includes gold, silver, copper, and other metal mining and processing, and has been listed as being one of the ten most polluted regions in Slovakia.The region and mine tailings is contaminated with mercury, acidic water from sulfide, and lead.

In the village of Rudňany, there has been a Romani settlement situated on top of the abandoned factory site of Zabíjanec since the 1970s; after the site's closure in 1965 it was likely settled with the "silent approval" of socialist authorities. As of 2011, 640 persons lived there, in conditions severely contaminated by heavy metals. Children at Zabíjanec are at particularly high risk of health effects, such as neurological damage.

By 2003, the number of industrial workers in the mines and processing plants had decreased from 2,500 at the start of the 1990s to 150. In 2010, 1,700 out of Rudňany's 3,775 inhabitants were Romani, who are highly segregated from the majority population. Many also live in the Pätoracké shantytown; according to Filčák, approximately 570 Romani were living there in 2011. These Romani communities largely settled in the area during the 1950s to work as miners.

In the 1970s, subsidence of structures above the mine shafts, along with encroaching contaminated mine waste compelled authorities to relocate residents from Pätoracké to new homes in Spišská Nová Ves and Smižany. However, the Romani shantytowns were not relocated, nor were new Romani migrants prevented from settling in the area. In 2007, in response to a sinkhole incident in 2001, 257 residents were relocated to new apartments, which while outside the landslide and subsidence danger zones, are still surrounded by dumps of mine waste, while also continuing to be ethnically segregated. As of 2009, over 300 people remained in the danger zone, living in a shantytown without sewers, sewage treatment, running water, or garbage collection. Meanwhile, residents from the main village of Rudňany municipality regularly dispose of household waste in an unauthorized dump 300 meters below the Pätoracké settlement.

Krompachy

The Romani settlement in Krompachy has 400 residents, largely former employees of the nearby copper smelter. Separated from the town of Krompachy by a road and a stream, the settlement is located at the foot of a hill next to the smelter. Only several apartments in the settlement are occupied by non-Romani families, most of whom left the area over time. The Krompachy smelter has been producing electrolytic copper in Slovakia since 1937, and is the only facility of its kind in the country. According to measurements taken by the Slovak Academy of Sciences, the area is highly contaminated with arsenic, lead, zinc, and copper, and there is unsubstantiated evidence to suggest that contamination may be more severe in the Romani settlement than in the town proper.

Trebišov

In a Romani neighbourhood in the town of Trebišov, there is a slaughterhouse and meat-processing plant. These facilities are the source of odours and waste which is stored in open containers in an unfenced location that is frequented by Romani people in search of food. Due to the rapid rate of decay of this unrefrigerated waste, especially during the summer, it poses a significant health risk for those who consume it, while also attracting insects and rats.

Svinka River Watershed

The Romani shantytowns of Hermanovce, Jarovnice, and Svinia are located within several kilometres of each other within the upper Svinka River Watershed; all three have histories of being subject to flooding. Jarovnice, which has an unofficial population of 5,000, is one of the largest shantytowns in Slovakia. Residents do not have access to safe, potable water. Water quality in all three settlements has been problematic, particularly with regards to increasing nitrates contamination from industrial fertilizers used by agricultural activity in the region. In 1998, 47 people died in floods in the region; 45 of the victims were Romani, and 42 of them were from Jarovnice. One person from Svinia died, and 500 people from the shantytown had to be evacuated. In Hermanovce, there is a Romani shantytown of 300 persons located on low-lying land with a high water table in between forks of the Svinka River; meanwhile, the village dump is located in close proximity above the shantytown, and is not lined to prevent leachate contamination, causing seepage into the community. According to Filčák, the construction of a landfill "in close proximity to the Roma settlements, without involvement of the affected people is almost a 'classical' example of the environmental injustice in both distributional and procedural aspects."

In the words of Anna Husarova, a Romani woman from Jarovnice, the location of these settlements in relation to flood vulnerability has a historical context:

[After the war] survivors had to settle next to forests, in the middle of fields or on riverbanks. These were the only places where they were allowed to settle down and start over. They built huts and began to call them flats. No attention was paid to them, and they were given no help.

Other Romani settlements in Cminianske Jakubovany, Petrova, and Markovce have also experienced vulnerability to flooding.

Hungary

In Hungary, the proximity of Romani settlements to garbage dumps, along with a lack of access to potable water and sanitation infrastructure has been an ongoing concern. In a Romani shantytown in Heves, the recycling of car batteries from an unauthorized dump for income caused the death of one child and serious disabilities among a number of residents. In Hungary, it is believed that environmental health conditions contribute to the low life expectancy of Romani people, whose life expectancy is on average 10–15 years lower than for non-Romani.

Another region facing environmental issues is Sajószentpéter. A town of 14,000 near Miskolc in northeastern Hungary, it was a minor industrial center for the majority of the 20th century, namely in the production of coal and glass. During the market transition from socialism, both the factory and the mine were closed down, causing the entire population of the town to lose its employment within the span of several months, without new economic development since.

A Romani settlement in Sajószentpéter is located separately from the town in a nearby wetland, and is connected by a bridge. Several issues of environmental injustice have been identified, such as illegal dumping in the Romani settlement by non-Romani as well as residents, as well as unequal access to green space, water distribution, sewerage, and housing quality.

Following the formation of a grassroots community organization in the Romani settlement called the Sajó River Association for Environment and community Development (SAKKF), Romani and youth-led initiatives in partnership with outside activists have seen the development of ongoing environmental-justice oriented projects. One project that resulted from these initiatives was the Romani youth-led photography exhibit, 'This is also Sajószentpéter' ('Ez is Sajószentpéter'), which was held at Central European University in June 2007.

Czech Republic

In Ostrava, Romani communities have been residing in living accommodations situated on top of an abandoned mine where methane gas exposure and subsidence are serious concerns. Ostrava has one of the largest Romani communities in the Czech Republic.

The neighbourhood of Slezska Ostrava of Hrusov, also in Ostrava, was formerly a middle class neighbourhood whose residents left between 1950 and 1970 to live in better apartments. In 1980, a highway overpass was built nearby. In 1997, severe flooding took place, following which the area was declared uninhabitable due to the dangers of flooding. Since then, a new housing project, "Coexistence Village" has been facilitated, in which a grassroots movement saw ethnic Czech and Romani communities collaboratively build new houses for themselves together to create desegregated housing.

Romania

Persistent patterns of environmental racism exist throughout Romania, affecting the ethnic Romani minority (not to be confused with the majority ethnic Romanian population). These issues exist within a context of severe poverty. According to Botonogu, "Despite the clear provisions of the Romanian law forbidding human settlements close to garbage pits or other pollution sources, there are many communities in Romania situated in such an environment." Romanian scholar Catalin Berescu has in 2010 written that an estimated 2,000 shanty towns exist throughout Romania, inhabited by approximately 1 million individuals, 90 percent of whom are ethnic Romani. According to Berescu, the development of shantytowns has been a relatively recent phenomenon, only becoming visible since the fall of Communism.

In the opinion of Botonogu, "Maybe labeling this situation as racism, as nobody forces them to stay there, is not that obvious, but the fact that in the whole country only Roma communities live in these conditions and the tolerance of the cities to the huge health risks, child labour and general misery represents, for sure, a different treatment by the local authorities towards these groups. Truth is that they have no other option; they have been denied any other job or place to settle."

Pata Rat dump and chemical waste site

In Pata Rât, Cluj County, Romani persons scavenge from a dump as their primary source of income. As of 2013, it was estimated that 1,500 people were living at the site in extreme poverty; in the 1960's, only four families were documented as living there. Today, there are a total of four separate settlements at the Pata Rât dump; 42% of residents were moved to the site by local authorities. The overwhelming majority of residents are from the Romani minority, many of whom work at the site in slave-like conditions of indentured or bonded labour; the Romanian government and private contractors maintain ownership of the waste. Journalists are unwelcome at the site, where filming is strictly prohibited.

According to Enikő Vincze, "the formation of the Cluj landfill as a space of precarious and stigmatized housing and labour, is a site of environmental racism." Predominantly Romani neighbourhoods from throughout the city of Cluj have been evicted and relocated to the dump since 2002. Many different Romani subgroups, further divided by family lines, have been settled into an area near the dump on Cantonului Street, causing inter-community tensions and violence. In 2010, 300 residents of Coastei street were evicted and resettled at the dump near a chemical waste site. The newly vacated neighbourhood was subsequently transferred, for free, to the Archbishop of Feleac and Cluj for the purpose of constructing a campus for students of Orthodox Theology at the Babes-Bolyai University of Cluj.

In spite of the traumatic nature of the relocation, the Romani community of Coastei Street, which was well integrated in the city and closely connected with urban services, engaged in organized efforts to maintain their social connections to Cluj (such as sending their children to their old schools in the city, and by organizing to ensure access to public transit). With support from NGO's such as the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC), Working Group of Civil Organizations (gLOC), and Amnesty International, these efforts, which included protests in Cluj, culminated in the formal acquisition of land at Pata Rât. On January 7, 2014, Cluj-Napoca County Court (Tribunal) ruled that the eviction and relocation from Coastei Street was illegal, ordering city authorities to compensate the Romani community for damages, and to also provide compensation for the inadequate housing situation caused by the relocation.

Miercurea Ciuc

In 2004, authorities in the city of Miercurea Ciuc relocated 100 hundred people to a site with 12 shacks next to a sewage treatment plant, despite sanctions from the Romanian National Council for Combating Discrimination and the European Court for Human Rights. In spite of being located next to a sewage plant, the Romani persons at the settlement were only granted access to four public toilets in the settlement, and only one source for potable water. Insufficient barriers allowed children to access industrial equipment near the site, posing safety hazards. The plant also emits toxic gases, where warning signs posted surrounding the site explicitly state "Attention! Toxic gas." Medically unconfirmed reports from residents claim that two infants have died as a result of the gases.

Meanwhile, the settlement was only accessible by dirt road, with no public transportation. By 2010, 150 persons were living at the site. The settlement was originally mandated to be temporary in nature, yet by 2010 it had been there for five years. At another settlement near Miercurea Ciuc, 25 people were documented in 2010 as living at or near a garbage pit near a stray dog facility, outside city limits. The inhabitants of this unnamed settlement did not have access to public transportation for sending their children to school, the sole source of employment was scavenging through the garbage, and many of the inhabitants were documented as not having identity cards, making it impossible to access social insurance and subsidized health care.

Baia Mare chemical plant

On June 1, 2012, hundreds of Romani from the Craica ghetto of Baia Mare were forcibly relocated by local authorities to a former chemical laboratory at a decommissioned chemical factory. Many observers viewed the relocation as an effort by Mayor Cătălin Cherecheș to gain popularity among racist elements of the electorate leading up to elections nine days later. This incident followed the 2011 construction of a six foot high wall, also instigated by Cherecheş, to encircle a Romani neighbourhood in Baia Mare. Cherecheş has stated that living conditions would be favourable to the Romani at the chemical plant compared to Craica, despite the former factory having a reputation among Romanians as a "plant of death" due to its status as the second-most polluting chemical facility in the country.

Within several hours of arriving on site, 22 Romani children and two adults began to exhibit symptoms of chemical poisoning, resulting in a major response by emergency personnel and evacuation of the sick to hospital. It is believed the poisoning was caused by containers of chemical substances which had been abandoned at the property. Shortly afterwards, on June 3, the mayor's mother, Viorica Cherecheş, also a physician and the director of a local hospital, arrived on scene with a police presence, and ordered the relocated Romani to collect, without any safety equipment, all of the remaining chemical containers.

According to Marian Mandache, executive director of the Romani rights organization Romani CRISS, it is suspected that the action was to remove evidence of wrongdoing. On June 7, 36 Romani and non-Romani NGO's signed a letter to Romanian Prime Minister Victor Pona, and held a protest outside the Romanian parliament.

Other resettlements

In 2007, the city of Dorohui-Centrul Vechi displaced 14-15 Romani families following the demolishment of a housing complex. These individuals were then planned to be relocated to a social housing facility located close to a wastewater treatment plant and an industrial estate. Also in 2007, with funding from the European Commission (which has a financing policy that prohibits exclusionary forms of segregation) plans were developed to construct 20 houses for Romani within an industrial zone in Constanța, with no access to nearby schools, limited transportation, and no community facilities. Similar resettlements of Romani residents to environmentally problematic locations have taken place in Piatra Neamt, Episcopia Bihor, Bucharest, and Salaj Silmeul Silvaniei, of which the former two cases had residents located near and on top of garbage dumps, respectively.

Montenegro

Situated near the city of Nikčić is one of the most populous Romani settlements in Montenegro. The settlement is isolated from the city, yet located near a steel production facility which emits hazardous pollutants.

Serbia

Gazela Settlement

An unplanned Romani settlement called Gazela was located in Belgrade, Serbia near a railway underneath the Gazela Bridge, one of the main highway access points to the city. It was dismantled in 2010.

The “We clean Serbia” campaign

Between 2009 and 2013, a national government-supported environmental campaign took place under the name “We clean Serbia.” (2) The campaign identified so-called “wild dumps” (open-air landfills with poor environmental controls) as the most significant pollution source in Belgrade, and sought to address ecological issues surrounding these dumps.

As part of the “We clean Serbia” campaign, the city government of Belgrade displaced 17 Romani slums that were on or near the dumps, which were formally classified as “unhygienic settlements.” These informal settlements, where residents worked as waste pickers, were largely the direct result of the Yugoslav wars—especially the Kosovo war—as most of the inhabitants came to inhabit these settlements as internally displaced persons (IDP’s), refugees, or repatriated refugees. An estimated 75% of recycled materials in Serbia are gathered by informal waste pickers; however, this activity is illegal.

Over 2,800 slum residents were displaced, half of whom were settled into initially “temporary” shipping containers on the outskirts of Belgrade; the other half were evicted from Belgrade altogether. The container settlements have been criticized by Schwab, who has argued that social services provided to residents are tied to problematic “contracts of use” which require residents not to store scavenged materials near their containers, and to be employed by the Public Utility Service for its own recycling programmes. Under this system, Romani who do not comply are denied social services (such as education for their children) and face removal from their dwelling. Municipal governments in Belgrade have also complained of poor infrastructure in the container settlements and have documented failure of low-quality water pipes, which has resulted in flooding that has caused significant disruption for neighbouring communities.

Deponija

As of 2007, close to 1,000 persons in Belgrade were inhabiting the Romani settlement of Deponija (which means “dumping site” in Serbian).The settlement had been established in the 1970’s situated on top of a former dump, which was officially shut down, gradually, in the 1980’s. Polluting factories surround the settlement. The primary livelihood of residents was recycling from garbage trucks hired to dump in the community, an activity which frequently led to the unintended accumulation of non-recyclable waste in the settlement. The community lacked clean water, sewerage treatment, and utility connections.

Bulgaria

According to Babourkova, Romani communities in Bulgaria have, in post-socialist times, been subject to “environmental injustices” such as unequal access to infrastructure, housing, and utilities. Bulgarian electricity distribution was privatized between 2000 and 2005. Prior to the collapse of socialism, access to electricity was near-universal; inequalities in distribution began to emerge following privatization. A number of Romani settlements throughout Bulgaria do not have any electrical services. Meanwhile, 89% of Romani persons in Bulgaria do not have access to clean water.

Fakulteta

In the Fakulteta district of Sofia, a Romani ghetto estimated at 60,000 residents (the official figure is 15,000), housing is predominantly substandard, public transit is minimal, water supply and sewerage is limited, and the electrical network is inadequate and subject to frequent failures. In the poorest section of Fakulteta, Glavova mahala, only one water outlet exists for 200 families. Until June 2003, medical services in the community were “non-existent.” Because the city of Sofia does not provide garbage collection services, residents regularly burn their garbage; children have been documented burning old tires, causing them to be exposed to toxic gases which may contain carcinogens such as dioxins. Another concern is the illegal dumping of solid and hazardous waste. Construction firms regularly dump potentially toxic waste in Fakulteta to skirt disposal regulations; a former green space in the settlement has been converted into an illegal disposal site.

Stolipinovo

In the Romani settlement of Stolipinovo in Plovdiv, residents had their electricity shut off by the private Austrian utility company EVN Group in February 2002, due to the community’s cumulative failure to pay utility bills since the early 1990’s. Following the shutdown, protests and confrontations with police ensued, and the entire settlement had its electrical access reduced to the hours of 7pm to 7am, causing significant challenges for food storage and preparation. Babourkova argues that this incident is “a clear-cut case of distributional injustice towards the Roma population of Stolipinovo leading to a disproportionate health burden for local residents.”

Macedonia

Prilep and Tetovo

In the Romani settlement of Prilep in Macedonia (FYROM), there is no working sewage system. A similar situation exists in a Romani settlement in Tetovo, where there is no clean water, electricity or sewerage, and high rates of disease.

Veles

For thirty years until 2003, 700 mostly Romani families in the town of Veles, Macedonia, were exposed annually to 62,000 tons of zinc, 47,300 tons of lead, and 120,000 tons of sulphur dioxide from a nearby smelting plant. Despite opposition from experts advising the project, the smelter was built 300 meters from the houses of 60,000 people. Frequently, newborns in the town were diagnosed with cancer, respiratory or blood issues, lung disease, and heart disease. In 2005, Veles pediatrician Rozeta Bosilkova stated "My patients do not respond well to any treatment, even for the common cold. This is because their defence mechanisms have been badly eroded." According to the Association for the Protection of Future Generations of Veles, the children of two families were tested with lead levels between five and seven times normal concentrations.

Due to concerns over food contamination, in 2001 the mayor of Veles requested that all agricultural and cattle farming operations be shut down. In 2005, one doctor working in the town described the situation as resembling a “horror film,” stating "Babies are being born with entire organs missing. The deformities are frightening."

Following proposals to re-open the smelter in 2006 by Metrudhem DOOEL Skopje, a series of protests and court battles took place. In 2014, the City of Veles deleted the plant from its Detailed Urban Plan, effectively shutting down the operation permanently, which was legally possible due to the plant having been closed for three years prior. Severe pollution from 1.7 million tons of slag remain; as of 2016, the Macedonian firm Ekocentar has won a contract to mine the slag for zinc, lead, and cadmium.

Kosovo

Mitrovica lead poisoning disaster

During the 1999 war in Kosovo, Romani communities did not align militarily with Serbian or Albanian forces during the ethnic-based conflict. As a result, four-fifths of the Romani people in Kosovo were violently expelled from their homes. NATO did not intervence. In total, 100,000 Romani Kosovars were displaced. 50,000 fled to the European Union; however, due to their legal status as internally displaced persons, they were not legally allowed to freely leave the territories of the former Yugoslavia.

The UNHCR relocated five hundred displaced Romani from the community of Mahala in Mitrovica to a camp in northern Kosovo located on top of an abandoned lead tailings site at the former Trepča mining complex in Kosovska. In 2005, the World Health Organization stated that "the worst environmental disaster for children in the whole of Europe" was happening, declaring the camps unfit for human habitation and in need of immediate evacuation.

Prior to the war, the Romani community of Mahala was prosperous and self-sufficient. According to Skender Gushani of the Association for the Protection of Roma Rights Mitrovica

We [the Romani of Mahala] had shops, a market, restaurants, our own local government council with representatives, and we maintained our culture and traditions. We didn't have to go to town for anything because here we had everything we needed. In our neighbourhood we had technical equipments [sic], car repair shops and masons ... 6000 of us had jobs at Trepca, the battery factory of Zvecan, where we smelted lead. There were also some among us, about 20 of us, who are well-educated and worked in the local government council.

According to Avdula Mustafa, an activist with the Roma and Ashkalia Documentation Center, the UNHCR promised that the refugee camps in Kosovska were only temporary, and would be closed within 45 days. However, the UNHCR added a second and third camp, indicating no intention of relocating from the site. The names of the three camps were Cesmin Lug, Kablare, and Osterode. These camps were located on or near 500 tonnes of toxic waste. Across the River Ibar, there is a further 100 million tonnes of toxic slag, a legacy of mining and smelting activities at the Trepča complex whose operations spanned from 1927 to 2000.

At these new settlements, living conditions were severely substandard. Constructed by the UNHCR in collaboration with Action by Churches Together, houses on the toxic sites were built with lead-painted boards, no working sewerage system, and no reliable sources of running water. Residents lived in fear of violence from neighboring non-Romani communities, restricting their freedom of movement and ability to leave the camps.

In 2000, the World Health Organization conducted the first round of blood tests of residents in the camps. Blood lead levels were so high that the WHO recommended immediate evacuation of the camps, as well as fencing off the sites to prevent future exposure. In 2005, the WHO conducted further tests which determined that levels of lead in the blood of children from the camps were the highest ever recorded among humans.

Tests for lead poisoning among 60 children were administered by Dr. Miljana Stojanovich, a doctor working for the Institute of Public Health in Mitrovica, who later stated "I haven't heard of results like this from anywhere else in the world...such high lead-levels in blood from such a small area." The tests determined that most children had blood lead levels higher than 65 micrograms per deciliter, the highest Dr. Stojanovich's instruments could measure. Test samples sent to a lab in Belgium were re-taken in order to verify if such levels were even possible; the results confirmed that children tested held the highest concentrations of blood lead in medical literature. 10 micrograms per deciliter is the threshold at which brain damage begins, including IQ loss, according to Dorit Nitzan, Director of WHO Serbia, who has stated that the camps constitute "one of the most serious public health disasters in modern Europe."

In spite of concerns over lead exposure, the UNHCR decided to keep the camps open. Shortly after receiving the 2000 test results, the UN built a jogging track and basketball court between two of the settlements, naming the area the "Alley of Health." Signs in poorly translated English posted at the site by the UNHCR read

ALLEY OF HEALTH – LENGTH OF ALLEY -1500 METERS – INHALE THE ODOUR OF HEALTH – THERE ARE CHALLENGES AWAITING FOR YOU – WIN – SPIRIT IS HEALTHY IN HEALTHY BODY

In the opinion of Ilija Elezovich from the Kosovo Health Authority during a 2005 interview, "the danger is so great that it threatens to destroy one full generation of Roma children ... they [UNHCR] made a catastrophic mistake by building these camps. Nobody cared about the danger of this location. This is very tragic for everybody, but especially for the Roma inhabitants."

According to a 2008 and subsequent 2009 interview with Avdula Mustafa, the UNHCR responded to intense international attention toward the case by publicly promoting a plan to move residents to a former French military barracks. However, this proposed site was only 50 meters away from one of the original settlements, and thus of minimal improvement in terms of environmental health impacts. Romani activists such as Mustafa have speculated that the UNHCR was attempting to pressure residents into returning to their former homes, despite grave fears over their personal safety. Concern related to these allegations grew following withdrawals of international assistance including emergency medications used to mitigate lead poisoning among children and pregnant women. By 2005, 29 deaths had been recorded in the camps. By 2012, that number had risen to approximately 100, most of them children. In 2012, 100 families were moved off the contaminated site, but 40 families remained.

The UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has granted itself diplomatic immunity claiming it cannot be held legally accountable for its actions. However, a lawsuit was initiated by the European Roma Rights Centre in 2006 with the European Court of Human Rights. All children conceived in the camps have irreversible brain damage.

Western Europe

Germany

The systematic targeting and genocide of Romani and Sinti communities in Germany during the Holocaust was not officially recognized until 1982. In absence of comprehensive reparation or conciliation processes, Romani and Sinti in Germany have experienced ongoing violence, harassment, and marginalization within a broader context of environmental discrimination. The relationship between postwar socio-economic exclusion of Romani and Sinti communities with environmental marginalization has been documented by scholars such as Alphia Abdikeeva as early as 2002. According to Abdikeeva, Heuss, and Kawczyński, "most of the so-called 'Sinti settlements' were formed after the war, when German Sinti and Roma who returned to their hometowns from concentration camps were resettled in city and town slums, usually in the least attractive area, in conditions which posed serious environmental and health risks."

Kalk toxic site (Romani settlement)

In 2001, the city of Cologne became involved in a dispute involving the forcible resettlement of Romani refugees from Yugoslavia who had been residing in the city since the 1990s. The refugees were moved to a substandard facility outside of the city; following repeated floods, the residents were moved to a new settlement in the town of Kalk and assigned to housing that consisted of wood structures with a mere 3.5 metres of space allocated per person.

The location had previously been deemed unfit for human habitation due to contamination from a decommissioned chemical plant that had been built during the 1960s. High concentrations of lead and arsenic have been documented in the ground. At 400 milligrams per cubic metre, lead concentrations exceeded federal limits of exposure for children by 8.5 times and 4.25 times for adults. At 69 milligrams per cubic metre, arsenic concentrations were at three times the allowable limit for children, and 1.5 times the acceptable level for adults.

According to the European Roma Rights Centre, the resettlement process was allegedly orchestrated in a way so as to make the lives of the refugees uninhabitable to compel them to return to the former Yugoslavia. Following a campaign by the local NGO Rom e.V., the refugees were placed on a ship in hazardous conditions during which time several accidents involving children occurred, including one death. By November 2003, the refugees were placed in local hostels.

Nuremberg Sinti settlement

As of 2009, there was a Sinti settlement located in Nuremberg located between "freight transport lines and other train tracks within an industrial area of the zone." Proximity to train tracks has been identified as a risk aggravator for exposure to pollution and other negative environmental concerns.

Düsseldorf Sinti settlement

As of 2002, a settlement of several hundred Sinti persons was located next to a highway on the outskirts of Düsseldorf where substandard housing conditions, illegal waste dumping concerns, and minimal access to heating utilities were documented. Residents were obstructed from constructing improved living accommodations due to "bureaucratic obstacles."

Henkel Terosonstrasse Sinti settlement

Several hundred Sinti families reside on the outskirts of Heidelberg in a settlement by the name of Henkel Terosonstrasse, in a chemically contaminated area outside city limits. Most residents are unemployed; both the land and groundwater are believed to be contaminated. Across the street from the Sinti houses is a chemical plant operated by Henkel Chemical Company. In spite of health concerns, no studies on health and environmental impacts have been conducted.

Berlin Land Dreilinden property (Sinti camp)

Since 1995, authorities in Berlin have operated a user-fee camping facility for seasonal Sinti workers on the Dreilinden property. The facility houses up to 200 persons and is a source of concern due to its location on the outskirts of Berlin, constructed along 100 meters of railway line. Housing conditions are poor, while utilities and infrastructure is minimal.

Georgwerderring Sinti settlement

In the mid-1980s, authorities selected a former toxic waste dump as the location for a new Sinti settlement by the name of Georgwerderring on the outskirts of Hamburg, in spite of the site having been deemed unfit for human habitation during the mid-1970s. Home to at least 200 persons, residents were not informed of the site's history. There are concerns that rising groundwater may have forced toxins to the surface and contaminated the land and air, sparking fears among some medical experts that birth defects, stillborns, and certain illnesses could be dramatically on the rise. The settlement is isolated, poorly served by public transportation, and located in close proximity to the new Hamburg city dump posing further ongoing health concerns.

Kistnersgrund Sinti settlement

In the 1970s, the Kistnersgrund Sinti settlement was constructed in Bad Hersfeld, Hesse. Located on the outskirts of the city, it was situated on top of a garbage dump. Following a hepatitis outbreak in the early 1980s, authorities relocated the community to a new settlement called Haunewiese, where residents have experienced substandard housing conditions.

Other populations affected by environmental racism

According to Steger, Turkish immigrants are at elevated risk of working in unsafe employment conditions. This phenomenon has also been linked to Turkish immigrants living in proximity to hazardous industrial facilities with very high pollution emissions. Another example of environmental discrimination can be found in Wuppertal, where a series of cellphone transmission towers are situated on the roofs of schools where the majority of students are immigrants. Also, environmental discrimination in Germany can be economically and class-based, without immediate connotations to race. For example, the community of Gorleben is economically disadvantaged; plans to construct a nuclear waste facility there have been attributed to the community's marginalized economic status.

United Kingdom

In the United Kingdom, air pollution has been identified as an issue disproportionately affecting minority ethnic and racial groups, particularly those who identify as Black-British African. According to a UK Government report, "Nationally, for those who live in areas overlapping the motorway and A road network in England, on average ethnic groups not classified as White–British are exposed to 17.5 per cent higher concentrations of PM10 ... Across the different areas individuals identified as Black or Black-British African are exposed to the highest levels of PM10 of up to almost 30 per cent higher than White British.

Romani and Travellers in the UK have been identified as experiencing unequal burdens of negative environmental living conditions. In Wales, Romani and Traveller sites have been documented as being frequently located near scrap metal facilities, which is a major source of employment. Romani and Travellers frequently burn scrap as a way of cleaning metals for recycling which can be a cause for health concerns. Throughout the United Kingdom, many public Romani and Traveller encampment and housing sites are, according to Staniewicz, "located in polluted environments, far away from local services, next to sewage works or under flyovers. Pitches are often overcrowded and facilities are well below the standard expected of social housing."

In general, Romani and Traveller sites are rural and segregated from areas that would normally be considered residential areas; it is common for these sites to be environmentally disadvantaged by being located near motorways, railroads, and garbage dumps, quarries, waterways, electrical transmission lines, or surrounded by industrial zones, all of which have been identified as environmental health concerns. Seventy percent of local authority (LA) Irish Traveller sites in England have been identified as having at least two or more environmental hazards, while twenty-three percent of such sites have been identified as being subject to four or more environmental hazards.

According to Steger, "A high percentage of Gypsy and Traveller communities in the United Kingdom (UK) are located in areas that are fully unsuitable for living and raising families. In addition to the environmental health risks posed by living in highly polluted areas, such communities also tend to be on the outskirts of towns making access to public services, transportation, and employment difficult, if not impossible." Further to this, the United Kingdom Department of Health supported a study that has identified Romani and Travellers as being subject to disproportionate health needs compared to other ethnic minority groups in the UK, yet receiving substantially less health services.

Barry's Council's Gander site

One location of particular concern has been Barry's Council's Gander site in West London, inhabited by Irish Travellers. The site is situated near a highway and next to an aggregate concrete factory, which was built in 1999, prior to the Travellers being moved onto the site by local authorities. One survey determined that approximately half the residents felt that the site was unhealthy; since moving to the site, residents have reported skin rashes and abnormalities, asthma, and breathing difficulties among infants. One observer has stated

Maybe the asthma has a connection with the factory because you couldn't even see through the windscreen [on her car] with the dust on it. The general health of the Travellers on site is pretty good ... a lot of them are registered with the medical centre.

Communication between factory management and Traveller residents over health concerns and industrial operations plans has been described as being insufficient. The settlement is subject to irregular or nonexistent garbage collection services, poor sewerage, rat infestations, and fire hazards. Residents have asked for either the factory to be shut down, or for themselves to be relocated to a different area of Gander. At one meeting at the site in 2001, residents expressed a readiness to leave their traditional nomadic lifestyle by moving into houses, citing restrictive laws on travelling, frequent evictions, allegations of constant police harassment, and deteriorating health conditions at the Barry site. Dr. Colm Powers, who conducted a comprehensive report on the social and health situation of Irish Travellers in England, has argued that pressure on Travellers to abandon their nomadic lifestyle constitutes a pressing human rights issue. According to Powers, the pressure to settle is twofold, stemming from the perceived criminalization of travelling, combined with the arguably poor quality of camping locations. Dr. Power argues that the process of settling into permanent housing can be a traumatic experience for many Travellers, who can experience cultural challenges and further social marginalization. In the view of Powers,

These twin pressures [of criminalization and poor camping sites] gives support to the painful and disturbing process of cultural breakdown that leads to assimilation into the most marginalised and excluded sections of society. Nomadism is usually recognised by settled society as the sole (or salient) ethnic qualifier for Travellers, so its criminalisation and eradication erroneously signals the cultural assimilation of Travellers and Gypsies. This 'blindness' to the depth, complexity and strength of Traveller culture leaves 'settled' Travellers with little sensitive health and welfare support when they are forced into settled accommodation and it is most needed. The inability or unwillingness of many institutional support agencies to engage actively, supportively and sensitively with settled Travellers is creating a well of discontent among many young settled Travellers that is already evident in the high levels of criminalisation particularly in the settled Irish Traveller population

Scrap Metal Dealers Act, 2013

In England, the traditional Romani livelihood of rag and bone recycling was replaced by scrap metal collection by the mid-1900s. In turn, the metal recycling industry became an arguably "traditional" livelihood constituting a culturally significant source of economic mobility for Romani and Traveller groups, including those who used the income to obtain land or settled housing.

In 2013, new legislation under the Scrap Metal Dealers Act was introduced in the UK. Under the new legislation, which was designed to combat metal theft (constituting £770 million in economic losses according to the UK Government), licenses became required to conduct scrap collection within each district of operation. As licenses can cost thousands of dollars per district, and scrap collectors must often operate across multiple districts for economic viability, the new law became a source of significant concern over operation costs, as well as impacts on Romani and Traveller cultural traditions, which are often closely tied to casual economies.

In the opinion of Bill Kerswell, a Traveller with 50 years of experience working within the scrap metal collection sector, "This infringes the human rights of Gypsies and other Travellers who have traditionally carried on the scrap metal trade. From metal working in the Middle Ages they have come through hundreds of years – recycling metal, selling metal, using metal, sorting metal- and this law is going to effectively kill off their lifestyle because they will have to pay for a license in every borough or county which they travel through." In the words of Romani journalist Damian Le Bas, "for a culture which is founded on, and in many cases still operates through, economic mobility, the impact is going to be disastrous." According to Le Bas, the new law is part of a pattern of legislation in the UK intended to address specific issues (such as metal theft), yet which disproportionately affects Romani and Traveller communities by restricting their access to land, economic resources such as scrap metal, and overall economic freedom of movement.

Discrimination towards Romani and Travellers in Green Belt lands

In 2015, community secretary Eric Pickles was found by a high court ruling to be in breach of the 2010 Equality Act. According to Justice Gilbart, sitting in London, Pickles had "unlawfully discriminated" against Romani communities seeking to establish camping sites in Green Belt lands by systematically delaying and overturning their development proposals. According to Romani activists, "local councils have consistently failed to earmark land for potential sites in local plans, and many Gypsies and Travellers have bought land, including in the green belt, to develop sites for themselves." Yet, according to Justice Gilbart, Pickles had created a policy in 2013-2014 that systematically turned down development appeal requests by "Romani Gypsies" and "Travellers." This policy was found by Justice Gilbart to be a protocol "which discriminated against a racial group."

The planning minister, Brandon Lewis, responded to the ruling by stating "The government's planning policy is clear that both temporary and permanent traveller sites are inappropriate development in the green belt. Today's judgment does not question that principle."

The Equality and Human Rights Commission responded to the ruling by stating "We have a duty to protect everyone from discrimination and ensure that the law is applied fairly, consistently and equally for all. We understand the need to be sensitive about green belt development but this should not be used to single out individuals for unlawful discrimination. Planning decisions should be taken on the merits of an application, not the characteristics of the applicant."

Previously, Eric Pickles, a Conservative cabinet minister, had been accused in 2011 of allowing his department to release a statement which referred to Traveller camps on green belt lands as a "blight." During an interview on ITV, Pickles stated of the camps that "We inherited a situation where the number of illegal sites had gone up four-fold and what we expect them to do is obey the law like you and I do," he said, continuing "It does not give people the right to come on to a green belt...and to trash it." Joseph P. Jones, chairman of the Gypsy Council and Yvonne MacNamara, director of the Irish Traveller's Movement respectively, have responded with public statements expressing their view that Pickles' comments were discriminatory and hostile in nature, with Jones stating that Pickles' statements constituted an example of how the Romani and Traveller communities are often treated by dominant culture as "toxic waste." According to Jones, the UK government had been applying a discriminatory standard by denying Romani and Traveller development applications, while simultaneously having a history of approving construction of towns such as Basildon New Town, Milton Keynes, and New Ash Green, which were, in the words of Jones, "built for the total strangers of the London overflow, on the open countryside or green belt." In the opinion of Jones,

We [Romani and Travellers] have been constantly pushed out on the periphery of society, through the failures those in local political positions to identify and provide accommodation. This is not new, ever since the Caravans Sites Act of 1960 the Gypsy/Traveller population have constantly seen the goal posts moved, heard those in power, saying this is not the right place for your type. But we never seem to get any directions to a place that is.

Dale Farm Romani and Traveller settlement

The eviction of Dale Farm in Essex, a camp settlement formerly home to approximately 1,000 Romani and Travellers on Green Belt land has been highlighted as a case of racism within an environmental context. The camp, located on a former scrap metal yard, had been inhabited by Romani and Travellers since the 1960s; however, despite ownership of the land, residents were denied zoning permits to develop the property. Illuzzi argues that in 2011, "expulsions and legal battle over the status of Dale Farm in the UK highlighted yet another confrontation over the illegality of Roma/Traveller behavior when they legally purchased 'green belt' land and were denied permits from the town council to build on that land. Town councils continue to work against allowing Traveller settlements in or near their towns." The evictions were completed in 2011 and involved violent clashes with police.

Historical documentation of environmental racism (Mitcham Common)

Instances of environmental racism have been documented in the United Kingdom dating back to the late 1800's. According to Mayall, the district of Mitcham was subject to spatial segregation of transient populations, including Romani and Traveller groups (referred to as "Gypsies")

As we have noted, certain locales appear to lend themselves to housing a transient population: Mitcham on the borders of South London and Surrey was one such place. By the late 19th century Surrey was a main centre for Gypsies, itinerants and vagrants with an estimated (though probably exaggerated) 10,000 in the county alone, many of whom had been expelled from London through a combination of 'the Metropolitan Police, land agents, sanitary authorities, and building developments.' (Mayall, 1988, pp 158-9).

Smith and Greenfields note the link between poverty, upper-class departure (for the United States context, see white flight) and the demographic presence of Romani and Traveller communities in Mitcham, as well as the economic prominence of environmentally polluting 'dirty industries' within the community. In the words of Smith and Greenfields,

Mitcham had long been one of the poorest parishes in Surrey and records of Gypsies camping in the area date back to the 1700s. Between the mid-19th and early 20th centuries the area declined in respectability as several landowning families departed and its population grew significantly as outward migration from London increased the population of poor and displaced residents (Smith, 2005, p 67). Of these, Gypsies and itinerants formed a significant minority: the 1881 census records 230 Gypsies and vagrants camping on Mitcham Common ... [Mitcham] contained an abundance of market gardens which provided regular seasonal employment with the locality becoming an important site for industry in the early to mid-20th century, particularly the 'dirty industries' such as paint making, chemical works and bone boiling, which had been expelled from inner London by the 1845 Health Act. The importance of Gypsy labour to the area's industry in this period is revealed by Montague, who notes that

...when Purdom's [paint and varnish] factory was originally established production had been seasonal, taking place mainly in the winter months when Gypsy and other casual labour employed on the physic gardens during the rest of the year was available at very low rates. (Montague, 2006, p 79)

By 1909, over 190 vans were documented as being situated at Mitcham Common, along with numerous others at sites nearby, in spite of efforts to displace nomadic residents through by-laws such as the Mitcham Common Act of 1891. In the words of Smith and Greenfields, the urban area of Mitcham became a district where

Gypsies had moved into the small terraced houses that were known locally as 'Redskin Village' (in reference to the dark colouring of its inhabitants) by the 1920s. According to Montague, by the 1930's the area had become one of the most disreputable and notorious in the district and was 'associated in the public mind with some of the worst slums in the emerging township' (Montague, 2006, p 113).

Ireland

Travellers in Ireland have a documented history of experiencing racism within an environmental context, particularly with regards to their exposure to hazardous working conditions in the metal recycling sector. According to a 2008 report on Traveller housing conditions by the Centre for Housing Research, 82.5% of housing locations (namely group housing facilities and caravan or halting sites) were found to be situated with "some form of environmental hazard nearby." Out of 40 halting sites and group housing facilities evaluated, 33 were found to be near such hazards, which were listed as electricity pylons, telephone masts, dumps, major roads, and industrial pollution. Likewise, sixteen of the locations had no designated green space (and of the remaining 19 sites, only five had green space in active use), thirty-one had no functional emergency equipment, thirty-eight had no communal phone access, and twenty-one did not have provisions for horses.

As a distinct ethnic group, Travellers in Ireland are subject to racism, in spite of their physical appearances. According to Canadian sociologist Jane Helleiner, "some of the first challenges to a model of Southern Ireland as ethnically homogeneous and free of racism came from activists concerned with the status of Travelling People ... The identification of Travellers as an ethnic group has been a central premise of the human rights and community development work of Traveller advocacy organizations from at least the 1980's, and these groups by naming the discrimination and exclusion experiences by Travellers as a form of Irish racism have been influential in injecting the term into Irish political discourse (McVeigh 1996: 9)." According to Helleiner, "For some activist-scholars ... anti-Travellerism is understood as a form of 'racism without race'—i.e., a form of inferiorized difference that does not invoke biological inferiority, but rather notions of undesirable cultural difference (see Anthias citing Balibar 1995: 294)."

Galway city dump

During the early 1980s, Galway City began to experience significant economic growth. According to Helleiner (2000), "In the early 1950s the central government prompted internationally financed industrial development in the Galway region, and by the mid-1960s the city was specifically targeted for investment and provided with industrial estate (Ó Cearbhill and Cawley 1984: 258-9) ... Galway City has continued to see tremendous economic, demographic, and spatial growth associated with international investment in industry and service sectors and a vigorous tourist trade." However, according to Helleiner, social and economic inequalities have persisted in the region.

Travellers continue to engage in informal and self-employed labour, particularly metal recycling and car scrapping, as this type of employment supports "an independent and nomadic way of life." During the 1980s Travellers increasingly gravitated toward casual labour that allowed for greater autonomy than formal labour, motivated in part by the racist conditions of formal labour markets in Ireland. For employment, Travellers scavenged from the Galway city dump as well as industrial and commercial refuse bins for scrap metal. Work in the scrap metal trade at the Galway City dump has been described by Helleiner as being exclusively performed by women, working in unsanitary conditions amidst piles of garbage. In the words of Helleiner, "None of the men engaged in this dangerous activity.

The work at the dump was organized by informal means, as described by Helleiner: "Gaining and keeping a regular position at the dump depended on having close kinship or affinal ties to those already established." Also, scrap metal collection involved logistical challenges of transporting product, and the need for capital investments such as vehicles. In spite of the health risks (including cleaning the metal by burning off non-metallic material) and capital investments entailed in this work, Travellers were economically disadvantaged by fluctuations in prices set from scrap metal merchants. According to Helleiner

Travellers were in a vulnerable position in this exchange as the prices for scrap were set by larger forces of demand and supply and bore no relationship to the amount of labour involved. There were few ways for Travellers to alter the terms of trade to their advantage. Most, for instance, had little withholding power as they lacked sufficient space on which to stockpile scrap in anticipation of higher prices ... This particular form of 'self-employment,' then, was dependent upon unequal exchanges over which Travellers had little independent control.

Carrickmines fire

At 4:24 AM, October 10, 2015, Dublin emergency services responded to a fire that swept through a trailer at the Carrickmines halting site on Glenamuck Road South. Ten Travellers, five children and five adults, perished in the blaze. Fourteen were left homeless. Substandard housing conditions have been cited as potential contributing causes of the fire.

Following the tragedy, plans were made to rehouse the survivors at a site adjacent to Rockville Drive. However, claiming not to have been consulted by their local council, residents of the neighbourhood opposed the resettlement, and protested by blockading excavation machinery from the site. The Irish Minister for Equality Aodhán Ó Ríordáin responded to the protest by tweeting, "This disgusting behaviour is not reflective of all settled people." The Minister for the Environment, Alan Kelly, also commented on the incident, condemning the protest as "wrong". Despite the condemnation from high-level government officials, the survivors were not resettled at the Rockville Drive site. Instead, the survivors were re-housed at an isolated location adjacent to a decommissioned dump.

France

Immigrant populations and proximity to hazardous waste facilities

In France, categories of minority and race are not officially recognized, nor are they recorded in census or socio-demographic data, which can make instances of environmental racism difficult to identify. Only nationality and country of birth are recorded, and only for first-generation migrants; persons born abroad in France are mostly from North and Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as a smaller presence from Eastern Europe.

According to a 2008 study by Lucie Laurian, "towns with high proportions of immigrants tend to host more hazardous sites, even controlling for population size, income, [and] degree of industrialization of the town and region." In the case of towns which have the highest percentage of residents who are born abroad, there is a significantly higher likelihood for there to be polluted sites nearby. As stated by Laurian,

The quarter of towns with the highest proportion of persons born abroad (more than 6.3%) are, for example, three times more likely to have illegal dumps, five times more likely to have Seveso ["sites where dangerous, toxic or flammable materials are stored permanently or temporarily"] and seven times more likely to have Basol ["sites where (1) soil and/or groundwater are either known to be polluted or potentially polluted; (2) pose or can pose risks to persons or the environment; and (3) are the object of public intervention" sites than the quarter of towns with the lowest proportion of persons born abroad (less than 1.8%).

Romani settlements and e-waste

There is also evidence to suggest that Romani communities in France may be experiencing forms of environmental discrimination. According to a 2010 investigative report by Ecologist written by Carolyn Lebel, some Romani people in France have been compelled by "poverty and discrimination" to become involved with the scavenging of electronic waste (e-waste), handling an unknown quantity of the 750,000 tonnes of French e-waste that annually disappears into informal disposal and recycling networks.

Due to allegedly discriminatory employment regulations in France, many Romani find it impossible to gain formal employment. As a result, many have turned to clandestine recycling operations of e-waste in slums outside of large French cities. At these sites, e-waste is broken into various types of metals, such as aluminum, copper, iron, and lead. Copper is extracted from cables by burning them in open fires, while car batteries are melted down for lead and refrigerators are sent through car crushers without removing cooling agents, which can release up to four tonnes of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere per unit.

According to the observations of Bernard Moriau, "[The Romani] would work directly above these clouds of black smoke," in reference to Romani people he witnessed working in a forest in the Val d'Oise region near Paris. In 2008, contamination from cancer-causing heavy metals was found in an evicted Romani camp near Lyon; likewise, this finding was preceded by a 1998 study in Bordeaux, Annecy, and Toulouse. The study, conducted by Doctors of the World and local NGO's, identified abnormal lead exposure in fifty percent of children at the camps. Furthermore, one-quarter of the children examined were identified as having lead poisoning. In a 2010 case, 19 children at a site in Lyon were found to have high levels of blood lead levels.

According to Jean-Claude Guiraud, thousands of children in France living at or near illegal recycling sites are at risk of lead exposure, which, according to Guiraud "can cause permanent damage to all the organs including the brain." In spite of these statistics, the issue, as of 2010, has received little attention from authorities in France.

Netherlands

In 2004, it was estimated that there was a shortage of approximately 3,000 caravan sites for Romani communities in Netherlands. Instances of Romani communities being moved into socially and environmentally disadvantaged areas, for the purported intention of preventing conflicts between nomadic Romani and non-Romani, have been documented. Observers such as Rodrigues and Matelski have determined through interviews that it is extremely common, if not universally occurring, for nomadic Romani in Netherlands to experience vocal opposition when proposing new caravan sites to municipalities, whose residents frequently cite concerns over lowered property values. As a result, many nomadic Romani end up living at isolated, environmentally problematic, and sometimes dangerous sites. In one case, a Romani camp was identified as being located within the blasting zone of an explosives factory, a situation that Rodrigues and Matelski have explicitly identified as "environmental racism."

Belgium

In the Brussels Capital-Region of Belgium, municipal governments have placed disproportionate numbers of encampment sites for nomadic Romani in locations which are isolated, poorly serviced by amenities, and environmentally problematic in nature. As of 2009, nine public encampment sites were listed in the Brussels Capital-Region, five of which were located outside of residential areas. Of the nine sites, several have been documented as being located undesirably proximate to industrial infrastructure; one site was found to be built on top of underground gas mains, while three sites were situated close to railroads.

According to a 2003 evaluation conducted by the Flemish Minorities Centre, fewer than one in three Romani halting sites in Flanders were located close to town centers, while only four out of 28 sites evaluated were situated in urban areas. By contrast, five out of the 28 sites were located on decommissioned garbage dumps. Meanwhile, the housing conditions of caravans at halting sites are frequently substandard; fire hazards, poor insulation, overcrowding, inadequate municipal garbage collection, and environmentally substandard heating and fuel sources are commonplace.

Portugal

According to research in 2011 by Lydia Gall, a lawyer for the European Roma Rights Centre, Romani in Portugal are subject to an "appalling" housing situation without access to roads or drinking water. In many cases, Romani communities are located in geographically segregated locations, such as behind hills and on the outskirts of cities without access to transportation; in some cases, segregation has been further entrenched by the construction of walls to separate Romani settlements from surrounding neighbourhoods. Several cases of environmental injustice have been identified, such as in Bragança, Rio Maior, Beja, and Vidigueira.

In Bragança, in the far north of the country, Gall has described how "a community was kicked out of its camp by the authorities, who told them they could live in the garbage dump."

In Rio Maior, 85 kilometres north of Lisbon, Gall has described a scenario in which "14 gypsy [Romani] families were placed in precarious wooden houses, on top of a hazardous coal mine and separated from the rest of the population by a dense forest."

According to Gall, one "extreme" case of discrimination can be found in Beja, 180 kilometres south of Lisbon, where Romani are settled in social housing constructed "with a separation wall, far from the urban centre and near a dog pound, whose sewage containing animal excrement runs through the housing project, with obvious consequences for the health of the inhabitants."

In Vidigueira, 160 kilometres south of Lisbon, a Romani settlement had its sole source of potable water shut off by the police.

Italy

Environmental racism and Nomad Camps

In Rome, over 4,000 Romani (Roma/Gypsy) persons live in encampments authorized by the Italian national and Roman municipal governments. As of 2013, 40,000 Romani persons were living in camps throughout Italy. In response to the Italian government's alleged "Nomad Emergency" in 2008, in which a federal decree was passed stating that Romani communities were causing a "situation of grave social alarm, with possible repercussions for the local population in terms of public order and security", an emergency "Nomad Plan" was devised by the municipal government of Rome. The European Commission also granted legal passage for the Italian government to move forward with plans to systematically fingerprint Romani communities.

Under the "Nomad Emergency" decree, special funds were allocated by the government to close informal Romani settlements and encampments in Rome, and to resettle a maximum of 6,000 Romani persons into 13 authorized camps. According to Amnesty International, "The decree was later declared unfounded and unlawful by the Council of State in November 2011 and by the Supreme Court in April 2013." By 2013, living conditions in these camps had deteriorated severely due to overcrowding and a lack of utilities and other basic infrastructure. Many of these segregated camps existed in conditions bearing evidence of environmental racism. As of 2010, six of the camps were located far from residential areas, situated outside Rome's Grande Raccordo Anulare, the city's orbital highway. One camp, Castel Romano, cannot be accessed by public transportation, and is located along a notably dangerous motorway, the Via Pontina. Another camp, Nuovo Barbuta, is situated between a railroad, Rome's orbital highway, and the runway of Ciampino airport. Due to a lack of public transportation, residents of the Nuovo Barbuto camp must walk long distances along an unpaved shoulder of a busy road in order to leave the camp; furthermore, they are subject to air and noise pollution from the nearby airport.

As of 2010, another authorized settlement, Triboniano Camp, was "squeezed between a railway track, cemetery, and container storage" in an industrial area of Milan. Arguably, the "Nomad Emergency" decree and the relocation of Romani to environmentally problematic areas can be viewed within the context of the "state of exception," a term used by the scholar Jennifer Illuzzi to articulate within a modern liberal Italian and German legal context the way in which "Romanies are under intense scrutiny, but juridically invisible." Illuzzi argues that as a result of the "state of exception," Romani communities become easily subjected to criminalization, denial of citizenship or national status, and social exclusion.

Exposure of Romani communities to toxic waste in Campania

Further information: Triangle of death (Italy)

Romani people in two settlements near Giugliano in the Campania region north of Naples have been severely affected by pollution and exposure to toxic waste.

In Italy, an estimated 11.6 million tons of waste are illegally disposed of each year. According to ex-Cosa Nostra member Carmine Schiavone, millions of tons of waste from factories in northern Italy have been illegally disposed of in the region north of Naples for decades, allegedly with mafia involvement and the complicity of government authorities and police. In 2004, the area surrounding Acerra was labeled by British medical journal The Lancet Oncology as a "triangle of death" where the incidence of two-headed sheep has been recorded.

According to the Italian environmental organization Legambiente, in 2012 the total financial value of the illegal garbage industry in Italy was estimated at over 16 billion euros. Furthermore, over the course of testimony delivered to a secret parliamentary investigative committee in Rome on October 7, 1997 (which was kept classified until October 2013, following its release in the face of mounting public pressure), Schiavone alleged that nuclear waste from East Germany was also secretly transported to the region, along with other wastes containing dioxin, asbestos, and tetrachloroethylene.

In media coverage of the issue, the region has been referred to as "Terra dei fuochi" or "Land of Fires" due to the widespread circulation of images of illegal waste incineration projects in local garbage dumps; in some of these photographs, children, likely Romani, were depicted in the presence of these scenes. The region has also been referred to as the "Land of Poison." Concerns over the safety of food production in the fertile agricultural region (much of which is still believed to be uncontaminated) persist; in one extreme example, a worker from the Italian National Forest Service, General Sergio Costa, spoke of an incident in which he took part in the exhumation of barrels of toxic waste from beneath a cauliflower field in Caivano; according to an article published in Der Spiegel, the "plastic gloves some of the officers were using to handle the waste dissolved on contact."

As of 2014, 5,281 contaminated sites and suspected waste dumps have been located by American military investigators. Meanwhile, the region's 500,000 inhabitants have been disproportionately impacted by medical ailments; according to Antonio Merfella of the Italian Cancer Research Institute in Naples, the region of Campania has the highest rate of infertility in Italy; in the province of Naples, lung cancer among non-smokers is increasing, while tumors in general have increased 47 percent among males. The region has also become known for disproportionate cases of autism.

One of the contaminated Romani camps in Giugliano is unofficial, populated by 500 persons most of whom are migrants from the former Yugoslavia. Built in 1991 and home to 85 families, it is in effect a series of camps located "northwest of Naples, at the outer limits of the urban centre, on the external ring-road following the State Highway 162," surrounded by industrial lands. Even though it is a so-called "spontaneous" unauthorized settlement, the Government of Campania has developed a 24-hour surveillance and barricade system surrounding the camp, contracted to the private security firm Falko Security S.R.I.S.

The camp is subject to severe pollution. According to Raffaella Inglese in the 2010 book Mapping the Invisible, environmental justice concerns for residents entail

noise pollution produced by the neighbouring factories, air pollution from the same factories and [an] ex-centre for refuse collection; pollution from the burnt refuse; the danger of the roads being very near their homes and the areas in which their children play; the dirt and run-off from the illegal dumping of toxic industrial waste in the immediate vicinity and the necessity to wash themselves outside which is dangerous for children.

Another environmentally hazardous camp, Masseria del Pozzo, is also located in the Giugliano region. This camp, established in March 2013, is an official settlement, forcibly created following the eviction of other camps in the Giugliano region, and is scheduled for closure. It is currently home to approximately 260 persons as of March 2016. In 2014, the population of the camp was estimated to be 500 persons, with approximately 300–400 children. According to the European Roma Rights Centre, the community in the camp has resided at various camps within the Naples region for the past 25 years; according to the European Roma Rights Centre, "almost all of the inhabitants of the camp are residing lawfully in Italy; they generally have permanent resident status in Italy and some are Italian citizens."

The settlement is located next to a toxic waste dump where persistent issues of hazardous biogas leaks from the landfill are allegedly causing severe health concerns. Residents of the settlement have reported mysterious deaths and disabilities among children and youths, as well as pneumonia and other sicknesses among children. According to camp resident Giuliano Seferovic, authorities originally informed residents that they would only be placed at the location for a month; this promised timeframe extended to two months, and then nearly a year by the time of the interview. The camp is located next to the Masseria del Pozzo dump; it is also near the Novambiente toxic waste site. In a video interview with Mario De Biase, Government Commissioner for Reclaims (Land Reclamation), De Biase discusses the issue of toxic gases:

Surely these landfills are perhaps the most dangerous for their potential environmental disaster and effects not only on the environment but directly on human health ...

They are all gases coming from the landfill. They transmigrate through the permeability of the soil and arrive into this pit where they find their way to come out in the air. One cannot say that a child who lives 24 hours a day between the smoke of the mineralization of VOC [volatile organic compounds] of the well, who lives and plays on soils contaminated by hazardous waste, who crosses the road for 5 meters and ends up on a landfill where there are all the fumes of biogas and leachate, obviously I do not think that is good for the child, neither for adults.

Following the announcement of the planned closure of the settlement, Romani rights organizations such as Associazione 21 luglio and the European Roma Rights Centre condemned plans to forcibly relocate the community to a new segregated camp, with Associazione 21 luglio expressing particular concern over the potential creation of a larger segregated "mega-camp" where further social marginalization could take place.

Norway

Further information: Alta controversy

The construction of the Alta dam in Norway has been identified as a possible instance of environmental injustice, with significant negative implications for the livelihoods and cultural identity of neighbouring Saami (Sami) communities, along with other non-Saami northern communities that opposed the project. Norwegian government support of the dam was largely justified by the argument that construction of the dam would lead to increased prosperity and economic development.

According to environmental scholar Chad M. Briggs, "the dam's impacts on reindeer herding, salmon and river quality constituted environmental burdens that were borne by Alta residents, without crucial state consideration of the resources' environmental and identity values." According to Briggs, the project marginalized the political status of Saami communities while serving as a vehicle for extending "Norwegian modernist and development ideologies." Viewed from this perspective, the dam was based on a northern development strategy defined by ethnocentrism and marginalization of local knowledge.

Initial planning of the Alta dam project began in the 1960s. This planning took place in a closed context, with local residents and stakeholders excluded from knowledge about the plans under development. Coordination of the planning took place under the direction of the Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Administration (NVE), and continued under secrecy until the mid-1960s, when, during a visit to a regional engineering office in Narvik, Tryge Lund Guttormsen, a Saami teacher from the village of Masi, inadvertently discovered maps depicting his village under a planned reservoir.

The area around Masi and the adjoining local authority districts of Alta and Kárášjohka-Karasjok has a significant Saami population, many of whom were (and continue to be) engaged in reindeer herding and coastal fishing. At the time, Masi was a 100% Saami speaking village of 400 people.

The NVE publicly announced plans for the dam in 1970. Under the NVE plan, 40 kilometres along the Alta River and nearby areas would be flooded, totaling 75 square kilometres. The Saami villages of Masi and Mieron (Mierojávri) would be subject to inundation, while water from the Tana River would be diverted into the Alta. In response to the lack of consultation with regards to the flooding of their villages, and concerns over potential impacts on their centuries-long traditional livelihood of reindeer herding, which was seen as a "direct affront to their culture," Saami communities strongly opposed the project.

In 1973, the Masi River was designated as a protected river. Along with international pressure, particularly from Finland, NVE plans to flood the area including Masi village were withdrawn. In 1978, a smaller version of the project was approved by the Storting. This revised version entailed one dam instead of two, and a reduction of power capacity from 1400 to 625 Gigwatt-hours (GWh).

A series of protests ensued. These protests included a 1979 hunger strike by Saami protesters in front of the Storting (Norwegian Parliament) in Oslo, along with the establishment of a protest camp in Alta, attended by several thousand protesters. The camp was dispersed in 1981 by 600 non-local national police and military forces in what amounted as the largest police mobilization in Norway since the Second World War. Following this event, a second protest camp in Alta was established; up to 1000 people were arrested. A third protest camp on the access road in the area between Alta and Stilla was then established; this camp was also countered by hundreds of police officers. After a 1982 Supreme Court ruling in favor of dam construction, construction continued.

The Alta dam was completed in 1987.

Turkey

Between 500,000 and 2.5 million Romani live in Turkey. Most Romani, both itinerant and sedentary, live in Trakya (Thrace) and Marmara regions in the northwest of the country, and generally inhabit settlements that are socio-geographically distinct and isolated from majority populations. Romani in Turkey "suffer much higher levels of ill-health, have poorer housing, and higher incidences of discrimination on the basis of their ethnicity." In at least two cases (the 2010 demolition of Sulukule and the 1970 Bayramiç forest products industry dispute), conflicts surrounding access to land and natural resources has led to the dislocation of entire Romani communities.

Sulukule

In February 2010, the predominantly Romani community of Sulukule in Istanbul, an ancient neighbourhood included on the UNESCO World Heritage list and Istanbul City Wall Preservation Zone, as well as the oldest Romani settlement in Europe was demolished as part of an urban renewal scheme. Earlier demolitions had taken place in the mid-1960s and in 1982 when the old core of Sulukule was torn down. As a central area of Istanbul, Sulukule was subject to land speculation, while underlying ecological and environmental issues were potentially exploited as part of the arguments for demolition. According to Aslı Kıyak İngin and Pelin Tan

Throughout the year 2000, Istanbul witnessed the emergence of large-scale urban transformation projects under the headings of "urban renovation/urban development" which legitimised 'demolishment' and 'reconstruction' via abstract discourses of urban fear, ecology, cultural heritage and natural disasters. In 2005, the Urban Transformation and Renewal policy of 5366 accelerated the urban renovation/developments and it gave power to the municipalities to declare any district as an urban transformation area and to control what property rights, urban planning and architectural projects could be applied.

According to Turan, notions of "urban renewal" as a critical component of ecological sustainability have gained prominence within urban planning discourse in Istanbul. In the words of Turan, "the 'ecological turn' of Istanbul is currently limited to specific managerial perspectives on urban governance—such as 'resource management,' 'environmental risk,' or 'urban renewal and transformation.'" A major argument for the demolition and "urban renewal" of Sulukule was to replace existing housing stock with purportedly more earthquake-resistant construction; however, the impetus behind the demolition was allegedly influenced by stigma towards its predominantly Romani inhabitants. Some critics have claimed that Renewal Policy 5366 is often selectively applied toward neighbourhoods with large minority or Romani populations. An example of the stigma towards the Romani community of Sulukule can arguably be discerned in a June 17, 2008 interview with Mustafa Ciftci, Sulukule Renewal Project Coordinator. In the words of Ciftci

It is not easy to integrate these [Romani] people to society, but we have to accomplish it, in the end these are our people; we have to save them. If it was up to me, as a state policy, I would take all the kids under the age of ten from their parents, put them in boarding schools, educate them and make them members of society. This is the only way.

Evicted tenants were offered houses 48 kilometres away in Taşoluk, where high mortgage rates were unworkable for most residents, most of whom were low-income. According to Kıyak and Tan, "The renewal process as a whole has caused the disintegration of the community by dispersing the existing social fabric, their inability to continue their cultural activities, their severance from social networks of solidarity, and even graver livelihood problems." Without access to nearby medical care, education, or transportation to the city centre, the relocated residents left Taşoluk. Many returned to the former Sulukule district, currently renamed "Karagümrük," where they subsequently constructed shanties "on the ruins of their former homes," according to Demirovski and Marsh.

1970 Bayramiç forestry dispute

According to Rahmi Ozel, the former attorney of Bayramiç, a series of violent attacks against the Romani community took place between January 18 and February 22, 1970. Part of a larger conflict surrounding access to forest resources, the attacks were triggered by a dispute over ownership of a logging truck. While no one was killed in the attacks, the events caused significant terror among both Romani and non-Romani members of the community, and led to the expulsion of the Bayramiç Romani. Ӧzateşler has argued that the attacks, whose timing closely correlated to important dates in the logging industry season reflected insecurities about ethnic Turkish loss of power to Romani persons, who were gaining socioeconomic influence due to their role in the transportation sector of the forestry industry.

In the 1960s, forestry became an increasingly profitable industry in Turkey, as lumber consumption rapidly increased. Due to increased investment in forestry management and production, Turkey became recognized for its timber industry, to the extent that its supplies were viewed as competitive within a globalized international context. In 1963–1964, new mountain roads near Bayramiç were created to enable timber extraction, coupled with improvements in highway networks. On August 26, 1967, The Regional Administration of Forestry in Bayramiç city and the surrounding Bayramiç district was founded. At the time, 53.8% of provincial territory was covered by timber stands. As a result of these developments, employment in the forestry transportation sector increased from 30 individuals to 200 in Bayramiç during this time.

In Bayramiç, conflicts over the processing, handling, and transport of timber were commonplace among locals. According to Ӧzateşler, "The competition was especially acute, as at that time forestry offered the best jobs for many villagers and townspeople. It is no coincidence that the attacks on the Gypsies started in January and stopped at the end of February, before the annual start date of the forestry business in the town, in the month of March."

Few cars existed in the Bayramiç region during the 1950s and 1960s; for example, there were only five jeeps in the town during the late 1950s, and animals were used as primary means for transportation. During the late 1950s, timber was the primary economic product exported from the town, and by 1960, there were eight logging trucks stationed in the city. Romani people became involved in logging truck driving beginning in the late 1950s. According to Ӧzateşler, Romani people "became powerful in a prestigious position" by becoming logging truck drivers. According to one truck driver from the era, the driving profession was viewed as having higher prestige than a state official. Ӧzateşler states "it was not easy to find a good driver; experienced drivers therefore had a very strong bargaining position, including a high social status. They were said to be more prestigious even than their own bosses. They were treated as kings in the coffeehouses. When they came in, people would stand up and greet them." However, the reason for the success of Romani truck drivers was their willingness to work an extremely dangerous job. In the words of Ӧzateşler, "They were just doing the dirty job at that time; as it was very tiring and dangerous due to lack of proper roads to the mountain ... one was supposed to be a little mad to be a driver as the risks were considerable."

In 1970, a Leyland truck was purchased by a Romani family in partnership with an ethnic Turkish driver (who later helped start the attacks), and became subject of great interest. As a symbol of wealth, it also became a source of resentment toward the socio-economic success of the Romani community. According to Ӧzateşler, "All of the Gypsies mentioned the lorry as the object that triggered the attacks." One of the individuals responsible for orchestrating the attacks, Huseyin Kiltas, stated "What it came down to was the Leyland [logging truck]."

Following allegations against Romani truck drivers of sexual harassment toward non-Romani Turkish high school girls, a series of violent attacks took place against the Romani community of Bayramiç. The first attack targeted the muhacir sub-group of Romani, who were engaged in the logging truck driving industry. 38 houses were damaged. This attack then grew into a second assault against all Romani persons in the area, involving 3,000 individuals who stoned Romani houses and beat Romani residents. The crowd marched on the municipal building, which was located on the main avenue leading to the "neighbourhoods where the Gypsies lived." When the city's attorney attempted to stop the crowd, in what has been described by Ӧzateşler as "the best example of civil courage" he was nearly beaten to death by a gang of 30-40 individuals. The Roma were subsequently forced to leave the city. According to Ӧzateşler,

The most repeated reason given for the attacks by the Turks was the immoral acts of some Gypsy boys toward Turkish girls. It was claimed the Gypsy [sic] had tried to seduce, or at least behave improperly, toward Turkish girls who were on their way to secondary school. For many Turks, this behavior, which was perceived as an attack on the moral values of the Turkish people, showed the true nature of the Gypsies and they considered it as a legitimate reason to take revenge ... Nationalist feelings were mobilized and exploited during the attacks. Anthems and flags were present during the attacks and the Gypsies were attacked as if they were national enemies.

Many Romani went into hiding, while individuals who employed Romani experienced threats. Some employers chose to risk their own safety and social status by protecting Romani people from the violence. Cases have been documented of Romani women claiming to have experienced miscarriages and other birth complications, or fears of such, due to the uncertainty caused by the violence. Verbal threats of sexual assault were directed towards Romani women. Ӧzateşler argues that, conversely, the (non-minority) female body was used to promote nationalist violence:

In cases of conflicts and war, the female body is often treated as an arena for masculine honor and prestige along with nationalistic territorial claims ... Gypsies making passes at Turkish girls was seen as a violation of the national border and the territory of Turkish men ... female agency was entirely lacking in this scenario. The actual attackers were men and the supposedly abused women remained anonymous; nobody knew anything about them not even whether they really existed or not.

From the perspective of Rana Kocayar, the oldest daughter of the Romani family that had purchased the logging truck, and Bidon Hilmi, a Romani truck driver at the time who was beaten during the violence, the allegations of sexual harassment were a means to cover the primary motives of the attacks, which were an attempt to prevent Romani people from participating in the forestry sector. The violence ended on February 22, 1970 when word spread that one of the key perpetrators, a logging truck driver named Halit Er, was in critical medical condition. His injuries had been caused during an altercation with Romani in Çanakkale, who attacked him due to his role provoking the Bayramiç attacks. Some Romani returned to Bayramiç in the following months and years, while others did not. To date, no one has been prosecuted for inciting or taking part in the violence.

Russian Federation

Impacts of racism and environmental degradation on indigenous groups in Russia

Throughout Russia, mostly in Siberia but also west of the Urals in European Russia, there has been significant industrial development and pollution on indigenous lands. In many cases, these industrial developments arguably result in disproportionately negative impacts for the indigenous inhabitants, who in many cases do not benefit proportionally from industrial resource extraction and transportation projects. According to ZumBrunnen, two of the most heavily polluted regions in Russia are northeastern European Russia and the Kola Peninsula, which also lies in European Russia.

The dispossession of Indigenous peoples from their lands throughout Russia for natural resource extraction has a long historical context of racism. According to Espiritu, "As non-European peoples, the Khanty, Mansi and Yamalo-Nenets were seen as inferior races by the Russians, and were therefore exploited for their goods and resources. Forcible Tsarist jurisdiction over Khanty, Mansi and Yamalo-Nenets territory began in the sixteenth century." Espiritu expands on the implications of dispossession, writing

Throughout the eighteenth century, the exaction of exceedingly high yasak [tribute in furs] payments forced the Yamalo-Nenets and the Khanty to abandon their traditional economy of hunting and fishing in order to trap sables, and later foxes, for Russian officials and traders. The Khanty, Mansi, and Yamalo-Nenets were, therefore, forced to leave their own territories in an attempt to live as they had lived for hundreds, perhaps even thousands, of years (Prokof'yeva, et al. 1956:515) ... These effects on the Khanty, Mansi and Yamalo-Nenets, while serious, were minimal when compared to the imposition of Soviet rule and hegemony.

Bolshevik policies from 1917 onwards quickly focused on the transition of indigenous economies from tradition livelihoods into socialist economies based upon, in the words of Debra Schindler, "the creation of a 'modern,'... urban-industrial settlement system; collectivization of the indigenous production economy; development of natural resources and the industrial development of other branches of the economy; and the introduction of the indigenous population to and their incorporation in 'modern' (Russian) society (1991:70)." According to Espiritu, the result of these state policies, "based on rigid and dogmatic Leninist ideology" has led to severe damage for the cultural traditions, identities, and indigenous lifestyles of aboriginal Russian peoples. Further to this, the racialized dispossession of Indigenous resources in Russia as argued by Espiritu continued under the Soviet administration. According to Fondahl,

Upon assuming power, the Soviet state identified the peoples of the North as exceedingly primitive, and in need of a special policy body to facilitate the transition to socialism (Sergeev 1995; Slezkine 1994). At the same time the Bolsheviks fingered the North as a storehouse of wealth to be exploited for the development of the new socialist state. In the first decade of Soviet power, planners deliberated on balancing aboriginal needs and state aspirations in debates regarding northern development policy, but by the mid-1930s the latter took clear precedence over the former. When development concerns dictated, the state confiscated aboriginal lands and relocated Natives.

The drive for increased resource extraction intensified under Joseph Stalin's regime, resulting in particularly deleterious patterns of dispossession for indigenous peoples in the European North, Siberia, and the Far East. In the words of ZumBrunnen,

Since the inception of Stalin's forced industrialization campaigns in the 1930s, these extensive, remote, resource-rich regions have been targeted for industrial development, mineral and energy resource extraction and processing which have had particularly disruptive and contaminating effects ... not only did Soviet development plans favor industrialization over traditional forms of economic activities, but all too often these industrial developments have been in conflict with traditional indigenous economic activities, such as reindeer herding, fishing, fur harvesting, and self-sufficient forms of agriculture, domestic animal husbandry, and logging, all of which require healthy ecosystems."

Many of these industrially-caused issues of environmental degradation and indigenous dispossession have arguably continued from Soviet times into the present-day. As described by one observer in 1991, "In the majority of regions inhabited by [the numerically Small Peoples of the North] the ecological situation has sharply intensified, the systematic destruction of established norms and rules of natural resource use has been allowed (O dopolnitel'nykh 1991)."

For indigenous peoples in Russia, environmental degradation can often have an impact on deeper cultural and metaphysical sentiments beyond just ecological and economic concerns, extending to all aspects of indigenous lifestyles and epistemologies. As argued by Fondahl, "Northern peoples differed from other citizens of the Russian Federation due to their involvement in activities that required an intimate connection with, and an extensive use of, expansive homelands. If symbolic of primitivism in the eyes of many Soviet citizens, the traditional activities also symbolized a special, harmonic and intense interaction with the natural environments.

For example, when Soviet planners attempted to "rationalize," collectivize, and commercialize traditional indigenous livelihoods such as reindeer husbandry, their efforts were frustrated by the realization that indigenous peoples worldviews treated such economies as intrinsically tied to non-economically quantifiable values of social and spiritual significance, which ran contrary to Soviet modernization rationale. Reindeer "conveyed a family's protective spirits, provided not only physical but spiritual nourishment at life-event celebrations, and accompanied the owner on her or his voyage from this world to the next." These metaphysical indigenous values were rooted in the working indigenous vocabulary of reindeer husbandry to such an extent that Soviet workers assigned to the field with Indigenous groups frequently had little choice but to learn the Indigenous languages as no corollary terms for these expressions existed in Russian, yet were vital to learning the trade.

As such, the impact of industry on the well-being of reindeer herding has been an immense concern to many indigenous people in Russia. Speaking at the Second International Working Seminar on the Problems of Northern Peoples (Prince George, BC, Canada, 1996), V.A. Robbek, Director, Institute of the Problems of Northern Minorities, Yakutsk, Sakha Republic (Yakutia), stated, "Destroy our reindeer breeding and our traditional lands and you destroy us, the Even, as a people."

Similar views were expressed by another Russian indigenous commentator in 1996, who stated

Our Native lands are being annexed and barbarically destroyed by rapacious petroleum and natural gas, coal, gold, and non-ferrous mining interests without any form of just compensation...and this phenomena [sic] is depriving us of our lands and rights to part of the resource wealth, [and] deprives us of our basic right—a right to life (Social...1996).

Oil and gas development

In 2014, 70% of Russia's crude oil exports, and 90% of its natural gas exports, went to Europe. According to James Henderson and Tatiana Mitrova of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, European gas output is expected to slip from around 250bcm in 2014 to 225bcm in 2020 and 150bcm in 2030, leaving an import gap of over 310bcm by the end of this decade and over 420bcm by 2030. Much of this gap in demand could potentially be supplied by Russia. Beginning in 1968, Russia (the USSR at the time) began energy exports to Western Europe, starting with the supply of gas exports to Austria. Growth in Europe has gone from 100 billion cubic meters annually in 1970 to 570 billion cubic meters in 2005. In the words of Henderson and Mitrova, "Gazprom's exports to Non-FSU (Former Soviet Union) countries rose from an initial level of 3.5bcm in 1970 to a peak of 162bcm in 2005, with sales extending across 28 countries in the region."

Record quantities of oil were produced in Russia in 2015, with 534 million tons extracted, an increase of 1.5% over 2014 production levels. In 2015, a record 23 million tons of Russian petroleum products (including liquefied natural gas) were shipped through Arctic waters from Russian ports such as Murmansk, Arkhangelsk, and Varandey, as well as Norwegian ports such as Hammerfest, according to statistics provided by Vardø Bessel Traffic Service Centre in Norway. Much of this energy supply, however, was extracted from the traditional territories of Indigenous peoples

Nenets Autonomous Okrug

In 2015, 14.6 million tons of oil were produced from Nenets Autonomous Okrug, a 6.4% increase over 2014 production. There are 14 new oil and gas fields planned for development in the Nenets Autonomous Okrug, which lies within northeastern European Russia.

As of 2003, there were an estimated 6500 Nenets and 5000 Komi individuals residing in Nenets Autonomous Okrug, a majority of whom were engaged in reindeer husbandry. Large-scale devastation of reindeer grazing lands took place between the 1960s and 1980s; after a slowdown in development, the situation began to worsen by the early 2000s. In the words of Peskov and Dallmann, "In addition to the high unemployment among indigenous peoples, the situation in the reindeer husbandry sector is deteriorating: decreasing numbers of reindeer, misappropriation, absence of appropriate marketing schemes for products. These and other factors provoke a general degradation of indigenous society." Peskov and Dallmann identify responsibility on both the oil companies as well as the Nenet Autonomous Okrug government, which they claim has not lived up to its legal obligations protect indigenous rights. Peskov and Dallmann provide an overall opinion that "Nenets and Komi in this region have for many centuries maintained a traditional way of life rooted firmly in reindeer husbandry in the area. These are the people who mainly suffer as a result of the attitudes of newcomers to the Arctic natural environment, in spite of all legal guarantees."

Komi Republic

In 2015, 14.9 million tons of oil were produced from Komi Republic, an increase of 5.4% over 2014 production. The Komi Republic, which lies in northeastern European Russia and is home to the indigenous Komi people, has 152 hydrocarbon fields, of which 87 produce oil and gas; 65 are currently in commercial production, and 22 are designated as experimental. In 1994, a pipeline fractured near the city of Usinsk, Komi Republic. According to the Komineft (Komi Oil) and local government officials, 14,000 metric tons of oil leaked; however, this figure is disputed. According to the U.S. Department of Energy, the leak in fact saw 270,000 metric tons spilled. In the words of a press release from the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, "it was the site of the world's worst ever terrestrial oil spill."

The Pechora, Kolva, and Usa rivers have all experienced significant contamination from oil leaks. 1,900 leaks were documented along Komineft-owned pipelines between 1986 and 1991. Throughout the region, there are also concerns surrounding the accountability of environmental monitoring and cleanup programs.

For example, in the settlement of Kolva in Komi Indigenous territory, Komi Indigenous people were left to clean up the site of a major oil spill themselves, with minimal assistance from government authorities or oil company workers; the Head of Usinsk District, Alexander Tian, responded to Komi requests for help by stating "If you do not want to breathe in oil fumes, you should take a boat out and remove the oil yourself!" and offered to pay 10,000 rubles (approximately 250 Euros) per barrel recovered—a reimbursement that Kolva residents claim was not honoured. Out of 117 persons cleaning the site, only 11 were workers from Rusveitpetro, the owner of the pipeline. Later, the inhabitants of Kolva asked for regular water testing over concerns of drinking water contamination. The results of the samples, sent to Syktyvkar, were never released, yet Komi Republic officials insisted that the tests determined the water was safe, leading to allegations of government unaccountability. According to an unidentified source from within the Komi Republic government administration, there were allegations word of the spill was suppressed by Rusveitpetro for a period of possibly several months, and that lawsuits would likely not cover the full costs of cleanup.

On April 10, 2016, members of the Komi Izvatas (also known as Komi Izhemtsy) Indigenous subgroup reported to the Committee to Save the Pechora that a large oil spill had taken place on the Yagera River near Ukhta. According to the Committee, 400 metric tons of crude oil reached the Izhma River, reportedly causing concerns of impacts on Izvatas livelihoods. On April 26, sixteen days later, a possible source of the leak was identified by the Committee on Malyi Voivoizh creek, although government officials could not confirm.

Many residents of Izhma district believe that cancers are occurring at an increasing rate of incidence due to pollution. Food sources such as fish have allegedly become contaminated, and reindeer have been poisoned by oil spills on their grazing areas. According to Makliuk, most residents of the district live in poverty. They also claim discriminatory hiring processes that give preference to non-local workers, in spite of the enormous revenues generated from their traditional territories. According to one resident, "we have to live on the disposal dump of [the] oil industry. We can't even sell our houses and move away, because they cost nothing."

On April 11, 2014, the Izhma district council passed a resolution to support a complete shutdown of oil and gas operations in the area. The decision was in part due to concerns over economic impacts on reindeer herding; the residents of Izhma, many of whom are Izvata, are part of the only subgroup within the Komi indigenous people who still practice this livelihood. In particular, concerns were sparked by the discovery of new drilling rigs in extremely close proximity (200 meters) to the village of Krasnobar, which had been installed without prior notice, permission, or consent of Izvata communities or Izhma district administration, in contravention of environmental legislation. 150 people, representing twelve settlements, gathered for the vote, held in Krasnobar village; the Izhma district douncil voted unanimously in favor.

On June 5, 2014, a demonstration was held in Ust-Usa Village in Usinsk District, Komi Republic. The demonstration, held in the same region affected by the 1994 spill, followed earlier protests in Izhma , and saw the adoption of a "strongly worded" resolution by Indigenous groups present. Protesters threatened to boycott future Komi Republic elections if their demands were not met. An excerpt from the declaration reads,

We, the inhabitants of villages within Usinsk municipal district, have been experiencing the terrible consequences of oil extraction in our land for over four decades. Our rivers, lakes and swamps are being mercilessly polluted. Our ancestral land is being destroyed. We are deprived of the natural resources which are our main source of livelihood. Our constitutional rights to a healthy living environment, to clean air and clean water is being violated systematically . Oil companies, and first of all LUKOIL-Komi, the main operator of oil production within Komi Republic, are brushing off our letters and appeals with dismissals, promises and deceit. Neither have we never received an adequate and constructive response to our repeated enquiries to various authorities, from the municipal district administration to the country's leadership. They do not listen, they don't understand us.

Therefore we are gathered here at the rally in the ancient village of Ust-Usa, and we declare that we join the residents of Krasnobor, Shelyayur and other settlements of Izhma district in that we will no longer idly observe the barbaric destruction of our land and the pollution of our rivers. People have come to our ancestral lands, who are not interested in our future and future of our children – they are only interested in the "black gold" – our mineral resources. And for its sake they are prepared to turn it into a lifeless space; and they do so.

Kola Peninsula

On the Kola peninsula in European Russia, Sami people were displaced from their traditional territories during the Cold War. The greatest single displacement took place during the Cold War, when Sami fishermen were evacuated from the coastline in order to make way for secretive naval installations. Meanwhile, reindeer herders were dispossessed from their territories along a 200-mile zone adjacent to the border with Finland and Norway. This border was soon closed, effectively shutting communication and movement between Sami peoples in Finland, Norway, and Sweden with those on the Russian Kola.

Further displacement was caused by the arrival of increased heavy industry and natural resource extraction such as forestry and mining during Soviet times. Hundreds of thousands of workers from other areas of the USSR arrived, many of whom were forcibly interned as workers in the Gulags. This industrialization disrupted reindeer herding livelihoods, and led in part to the settlement of Sami into Soviet-designed urban areas such as Lovozero. Today, most Russian Sami live in extreme poverty and poor housing conditions.

Acid rain is a major concern on the Kola peninsula, where it has caused severe damage to thousands of square kilometres of tundra and taiga. The ecological balance of the peninsula has been adversely affected by mining operations, which has contributed to atmospheric pollution, damage to forests and natural meadow lands, and groundwater depletion and pollution.

According to ZumBrunnen, between 1964 and 1986 approximately 11,000 containers of "dangerous wastes" were dumped into the Kara and Barents seas. Nuclear waste dumping is believed to have occurred in Arctic waters nearby, and, as of 1997, many ships anchored near shore either stored or contained radioactive waste, along the coastlines which had once been inhabited by evacuated Sami fishermen.

According to Sami activist Larisa Avdeyeva, the first public Sami protest in Russia took place in 1998, when a Swedish company attempted to establish an open-pit gold mine in the middle of Sami reindeer grazing lands. Today, vast areas of the Kola continue to be ecologically devastated by pollution from smelting, including operations such as the Kola Mining and Metallurgy Combine near the Norwegian border. Many nuclear facilities operate throughout the area, which continues to host numerous nuclear-waste sites. Pressure to expand mining as well as oil and gas production, and plans for new long-distance pipelines, have been growing concerns for Russian Sami.

Some Sami leaders have reported harassment, allegedly at the hands of the Russian government. In one notable case, the head of Russia's Sami parliament, Valentina Sovkina, was reportedly harassed and assaulted on her way to a UN Indigenous conference in New York in 2014, while other Sami leaders reported incidents such as alleged tampering of their passports en route to the event. According to Stallard, "The Kremlin sees the region as a source of oil, gas and mineral wealth – a crucial part of its energy and security ambitions. Ms Sovkina thinks the authorities are worried the Sami will assert their right to self-determination, and to their share of the natural resources."

As of 2006, 1,600 Sami were living in Russia.

Western Siberia (Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug)

By 2008, more than 70 billion barrels of oil had been extracted from the Western Siberian province of Khanty-Mansi, representing 70 percent of Russia oil production, at a 2008 rate of seven million barrels a day. According to journalist Paul Starobin, the region's Indigenous inhabitants have experienced ongoing social and economic marginalisation, in spite of the economic wealth generated by oil and gas development. In the words of Starobin,

When Siberia's oil lands came under development, native people were forcibly herded into villages and cut off from their hunting and fishing grounds. Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, the nomads won legal status as "aboriginal people," with the right to roam the oil fields. In spite of their new status ... their lot has hardly improved. Their numbers are small, about 30,000 in all; their languages are nearly extinct; and they are heavily afflicted by the scourges of contemporary Russia—AIDS, alcoholism, and tuberculosis. Some oil-tax money is being invested in medical ships that stop along the rivers to care for patients. But critics say these floating clinics diagnose disease, then leave patients with no means to get treatment.

By the early 1970s, oil and gas reserves began to deplete in northeaster Russia, and production started to shift towards Western Siberia. Yet by the late 1980s, it was becoming increasingly visible that much of the wealth generated by oil and gas development was not reaching Indigenous groups. According to Espiritu, by this time the living conditions of many Indigenous people was in a precipitous state in Siberia, and Yamalo-Nenet groups were documented as living in "squalid" conditions within close proximity to the city of Salekhard.

As part of the rapid ramping up of production of oil and gas during the 1960s and 1970s, proper infrastructure for both the handling of petroleum products, as well as social infrastructure for the influx of workers, was frequently overlooked. Thousands of kilometres of pipelines were built using substandard construction codes necessary for the harsh climate, resulting in vast numbers of leaks and spills. According to a 1997 essay by ZumBrunnen, environmentalists at the time estimated that 35,000 pipeline ruptures were occurring each year, accounting for between one and three percent of Russian oil output (3 to 10 million metric tons of annually). Meanwhile, 19 billion cubic meters of gas were being flared in West Siberia annually, releasing polyaromatic hydrocarbons, heavy metals, carbon, and nitrogen dioxides into the local atmosphere. In 2012, the figure was estimated at 17.1 billion cubic metres.

Due to pollution from the oil and gas developments, such as the despoliation of rivers and lakes, reindeer herding, fishing, and hunting became unviable for many Yamalo-Nenets in the area, and many had little choice but to request government assistance. Since the 1980s, fluctuations in energy production in Khanty Mansi and Yamalo-Nenetskiy Autonomous Okrugs have caused many Indigenous Khanty, Mansi, and Yamalo-Nenet peoples who were employed in the energy sector to find themselves out of work, with no viable traditional livelihoods to return to.

It has been estimated (according to statistics given in an interview by Evgenia Belyakova, Arctic project coordinator for Greenpeace Russia) that the total cost of replacing Russia's ageing pipelines could cost 1.3 trillion dollars, but could be achieve within five years if companies were prepared to absorb a 25% drop in profits at 2015 energy prices.

Land use agreements and Indigenous-rights legislation

According to Brian Donahoe's essay The Law as a Source of Environmental Injustice in the Russian Federation, "Article 69 of the 1993 Russian Constitution explicitly guarantees in principle the 'rights of the indigenous small-numbered peoples in accordance with the universally recognized principles and norms of international law and international agreements that the Russian Federation has entered into."

The "vague wording" of laws surrounding indigenous rights in Russia has resulted in indigenous land use agreements in Russia that are often informal in nature. For example, "Dmitry Aleksandrovich Nesanelis, the former vice director of the Lukoil-Varandeyneftegaz oil drilling company (Lukoil's daughter company in the Nenets Autonomous Oblast), an anthropologist by training and the person responsible for relations between this company and the indigenous Nenets people, asserted in 2003 that it was in the interests of the state to make these laws so vague as to be unworkable."

Nesanelis has also spoken of concerns for the implications of vague legislation on oil drilling. According to Donahoe, "As a large multinational corporation, Lukoil is concerned with its public image with respect to the impact its activities have on indigenous peoples and on the environment. Nesanelis said he would prefer laws that would give them some concrete guidelines about 'what exactly they have to pay, how, and to whom.'"

While some indigenous leaders such as Vladislav Peskov, president of the Association of Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the Nenets Autonomous Oblast have spoken in favour of informal agreements (Peskov has stated that "Different people need different things. Some need land, some need money, and the informal agreements with the drillers allow everyone to get what they really want"), others have voiced concerns about the long-term implications of informal land-use agreements. According to Donahoe, the informal nature of these agreements privilege short-term benefits over the security of long-term legal protections. In the words of Donahoe, "Having failed to assert their legal rights when they could have [after 2004, new Russian laws such as the omnibus Federal Law no. 122 have weakened indigenous legal rights, especially Federal Law no. 232 pertaining to changes in Environmental Impact Assessments], they will find in the longer term that their economically and politically more powerful partners can turn the law against them when it behooves them to do so."

Russia, an International Labor Organization member, has not ratified ILO 69, an agreement that "explicitly and unequivocally asserts the right to self-determination for all indigenous peoples; according to Donahoe, this allows the Russian Federation to continue to deny Indigenous peoples true control over their economic resources." As articulated by Donahoe,

Russia is also a member of the United Nations whose charter somewhat vaguely states that one of the purposes of the organization is 'to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples' (Article 1, paragraph 2) ... The United Nations recognizes indigenous peoples of classically colonized lands—namely, colonized lands that lie across an ocean from the colonizing country (the "salt water test"; see Magnarella 2001, 2002; Niezen 2003, 138)—but has carefully avoided recognizing indigenous minorities who are not separated from their colonizers by an ocean as 'peoples.' This lack of recognition implicitly denies such indigenous peoples the right to self-determination—one of the arguments Russia uses to justify not complying with UN treaties in the case of the indigenous peoples of Siberia.

Indigenous groups whose traditional territories lie in European Russia, such as the Nenet, Komi, and Sami peoples (Komi. Gov.; Espiritu) are affected by this status of non-recognition of the right to self-determination, which, as federal policy implicates all indigenous groups in Russia in addition to Siberia.

Arguably, some of the implications of non-recognition of indigenous title may be the existence of laws that allow for socio-environmental marginalization to take place. According to Donahoe, "The federal government's monopoly over the law can be best illustrated by the negotiations over the new Land Code (Zemel'nyi Kodeks; Federal Law no. 136 of October 25, 2001) and Forest Code (Lesnoi Kodeks; Federal Law no. 200 of December 4, 2006)" which have allowed for the privatization of timber supplies. Under new iterations of these laws, previously non-commercially exploitable "forest fund [lesnoi fond]" lands, which comprise approximately 70 percent of Russia's landmass, have been opened up for private sale. These new laws lack provisions for the recognition of indigenous rights, resulting in a Forest Code that "effectively removes the power of regional governments (republics, oblasti, kraia, okrugi, etc.) to exert [non-federal] control over these lands."

The result has been a centralization of power over land management, which has contributed to an unstable legal and economic context for the livelihoods of indigenous hunters and reindeer herders who "operate in a virtually noncash economy and could not possibly afford to purchase or lease the extensive tracts of land necessary to migrate seasonally, which is crucial both to reindeer husbandry and to the effective exploitation of animal resources." Further to this, the privatization of land has opened the door to concerns over access rights, which could have negative effects on indigenous hunting and grazing.

Indigenous groups in Russia have attempted to defend their rights in court. According to Donahoe, Indigenous groups in Russia have "demonstrated ingenuity in their attempts to assert their rights to land and resources and to protect against industrial development and extractive activities by using other laws not specifically designed for the protection of indigenous rights." For example, indigenous groups have established "national parks or specially protected nature territories (osobo okhranaemye prirodnye territorii) at the local or regional level or both," under their rights to do so as outlined in Federal Law no. 33 (March 14, 1995), "On Specially Protected Nature Territories [Ob osobo okhranaemykh prirodnykh territoriiakh]." In one case, the Native Assembly of the KMAO (Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug) "asked" Andrew Wiget and Ol'ga Balalaeva to craft a law that would "protect the 'folklore' of the indigenous people of Khanty-Mansi more generally." Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug is an important oil-and-gas-producing region, responsible for the supply of large quantities of energy to Western Europe It is also an area that has seen significant degradation of indigenous lands as a result of oil and gas development

According to Donahoe,

The idea was that, by protecting folklore, they would also be protecting the environment within which the folklore was embedded. It was especially important that the law should 'link the perpetuation of living folklore traditions to specific communities and landscapes': Understood in its fullest sense, it means that sacred place myths cannot exist without sacred places, nor local legends without the sites to which they are attached. In short, folklore cannot meaningfully endure if separated from the specific enculturated environment that it inhabits. Because the power to deface that environment rests with the non-native, political majority, this is potentially urgent, because KMAO is today the center of Russia's petroleum industry, and in some areas almost 90% of the land surface is licensed for petroleum production (Wiget and Balalaeva 2004, 139-140).

After losing some important provisions, KMAO Law no. 37-03, "On the Folklore of the Native Minority Peoples of the North Living on the Territory of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug" was passed on May 30, 2003, and came into effect June 18, 2003, with its most important provision intact: "Native Minority Peoples living on the territory of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug are guaranteed, in the manner established by legislation:...(3) the preservation and protection of the places of the traditional circulation of folklore, and of the natural resources necessary for the perpetuation and development of folklore traditions" (KMAO Law no. 37-03, Chapter 2, article 5, paragraph 2.3).

Romani settlements and migrant worker camps

Underlying causes of Romani environmental inequality in European Russia

Romani in Russia are frequently subject to geographic marginalization due to xenophobia. In 2005, Romani settlements in Arkhangelsk and Kaliningrad became the subject of xenophobic political campaigns, in which local politicians used elections platforms that argued for "'cleaning' their city of 'gypsies' as one of their major promises to be fulfilled after winning the elections ... these politicians openly accused the entire Romani population of earning a living from the drug trade." Romani were then accused of constructing illegal dwellings. In Kaliningrad, Romani houses were later violently evicted by force. In Arkhangelsk, after obtaining legal permission to rent their parcels of land in Novy Posyolok, the Romani were then accused of not having permission to build houses; in 2006, the entire community was forced to leave the city "on a train provided for this purpose by the city administration, taking them to the Moscow region, into another illegal situation...but out of the city's political debates."

According to Paris-based Russian human rights organization Anti-Discrimination Centre (ADC) Memorial, there is a "tendency that market considerations and contempt toward persons regarded as 'Gypsies' coalesce in the actions of municipalities carrying out urban renewal programs, in which the eviction of Roma from city centers—and public view—is an active component of public policy."

Inequality in access to energy resources

In Ivanovo Province, the Kolyanovo Romani settlement was located near the disused Ivanovo airport. The residents had been evicted from Ivanovo city 15 years earlier. Following plans to expand the airport, the community became threatened with eviction once again.

Often Romani settlements are denied access to utilities such as natural gas, despite the abundance of natural gas in Russia. For example, in Ryazan Province, the village of Dyaguilevo, with a population of 600 persons, has been established since 1988 in "extreme poverty" and faces significant issues with obtaining reliable natural gas and electricity service.

An arguably more extreme case of inequality over access to energy resources can be found in the Roma village of Plekhanovo, located five kilometres outside Tula. The village is inhabited by 3000 individuals, most of whom have been settled there since the 1960s. In March 2016, a violent confrontation took place between residents (including children) and as many as 500 riot police over access to a natural gas pipeline that runs through the village. In spite of the line running through the village, the Romani inhabitants, whose houses were at risk of demolition, had been unable to secure legal access rights to the gas, and had resorted to illegally tapping into the pipeline for domestic use. According to community representative Nadezhda Demetr, "Instead of helping people register their houses and legalise their gas supplies, the authorities have been demolishing their houses. Since 2005, houses have been demolished without compensation because they don't have any documents." Another local Romani community leader, Ivan Grigoryevich, stated to media that "We have been living in this settlement since the 1960s and we have tried many, many times to get gas into our houses, but we are prohibited by town officials"

Disputed environmental reasons for evicting Romani settlements

In another conflict related to land and natural resource issues, the village of Kosaya Gora (3 kilometres outside Tula) was, as of 2008, threatened with eviction. The village of 400 individuals had been located at its current site since the 1960s, yet the land on which the Romani resided was declared by a court to be located on a "protected nature reserve area."

In a similar case to Kosaya Gora, residents of a Roma settlement in Chudovo were faced with eviction in 2007. The residents, who had resettled to the area with verbal consent from local authorities after being evacuated from the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, had been living in the area since the mid-1990s only to learn that their houses were now declared as falling within a "sanitary protection zone" around an unused asphalt plant, and that their homes would be subject to demolition. Without access to documents to demonstrate title to the land, the community could not effectively argue in protection of their property rights.

Migrant workers from Hungary and Central Asia

According to Anti-Discrimination Centre (ADC) Memorial, "Migrant workers, especially families with children, often cannot find accommodation, due to high prices and the unwillingness of landlords to rent their property to migrants, particularly to those who do not have the appropriate documentation. As a result, migrant families are forced to live in places not designed for living, especially for living with children. Companies, who are happy to employ cheap migrant labor, and to save on their accommodation, are often facilitating this process."

In the Nevsky district of St. Petersburg, migrant workers and their families have been documented living in unsafe housing conditions that lack utilities such as safe drinking water and electricity. Many of the workers are from the former Soviet Republics of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. There is also a shantytown on the outskirts of St. Petersburg. Segregated in a remote, difficult to access industrial area, the residents are Uzbek citizens from Khorezm city. In addition to concerns over health and safety similar to those faced by migrant workers in Nevsky district, this settlement has no waste collection service, and thus contains large garbage pits.

Other areas of environmental concern are the settlements of "Roma-Mugat" migrants from Tajikistan, such as the settlement at Volodarka village, St. Petersburg. According to ADC Memorial, "The living conditions of Mugat-migrants do not correspond to elementary sanitary norms and requirements for security and hygiene. In Mugat settlements, which usually have several hundred inhabitants, there is no water supply, heating or electricity. Improvised settlements are spread on the boundaries of big towns, near household waste dumps, forest strips, [and] industrial areas ... where there is practically no infrastructure water supply, electricity and sewage system [sic]." Of further concern, many of these "Central Asian Roma-migrants" have extremely poor diets, which are often supplemented by scavenged food from dumps. This has caused epidemic proportions of tuberculosis, hepatitis, intestinal disorders, and helminthiasis."

Romani migrants from Hungary often face visible issues of environmental racism in Russia. According to ADC Memorial, "One of the largest Roma-Magyar settlements is situated in the industrial area on the outskirts of Saint-Petersburg. It borders the Saint-Petersburg-Moscow railway line and the household waste dump." Within the camp, the houses are made of scavenged materials, and basic services and utilities such as water, sewerage, and garbage collection are nonexistent; for bathing, many residents use water from a nearby marsh. Due to substandard housing and the lack of water distribution, all residents live in constant risk of fire hazards.

See also

• Aamjiwnaang First Nation
• Cancer Alley
• Environmentalism
• First Nations
• Indigenous peoples
• James Bay Project
• Nenets people
• Ontario Minamata disease
• Uranium mining and the Navajo people