Blackwater Worldwide

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Blackwater Worldwide
Type Private military security firm
Founded 1997
Founder Erik Prince
Headquarters 850 Puddin Ridge Road
Moyock, North Carolina, U.S.[1]
Key people J.Cofer Black
Gary Jackson
Bill Mathews
Industry Private military & security contractor
Divisions See Blackwater Worldwide businesses
Subsidiaries Blackwater vehicles
Website BlackWaterUSA.com

Blackwater Worldwide, formerly Blackwater USA, is a private military company founded in 1997 by Erik Prince and Al Clark.[2] It has alternatively been referred to as a security contractor or a mercenary organization by numerous reports by the U.S. and international media.[3][4][5][6][7] Interestingly, in October 2007, Blackwater USA renamed itself Blackwater Worldwide, basing themselves in the U.S. state of North Carolina, where it operates a tactical training facility (36°27′19″N 76°12′09″W / 36.455359, -76.202545) claiming to be the world's largest. The company undertakes training of more than 40,000 people a year, mostly from U.S. or foreign military and police services. The training consists of military offensive and defensive operations, as well as smaller scale personnel security. However, technologies used and techniques trained are not limited by U.S. domestic law, although it is unclear what legal status Blackwater Worldwide operates under in the U.S. and other countries, or what protection the U.S. extends to Blackwater Worldwide operations globally.[8]

Blackwater Worldwide is currently the largest of the U.S. State Department's three private security contractors. Of the 987 contractors Blackwater provides, 744 are U.S. citizens.[9][10] At least 90 percent of its revenue comes from government contracts, two-thirds of which are no-bid contracts.[11] Blackwater Worldwide is currently contracted by the United States government to provide security services in the Iraq War.[1]

On March 31, 2004, four Blackwater Security Consulting (BSC) employees were ambushed and killed in Fallujah, and their bodies were hanged on bridges.

On September 16, 2007, Blackwater employees in Nisour Square, Baghdad shot and killed 17 Iraqis, at least 14 of whom were killed "without cause" according to the Federal Bureau of Investigation.[12] No charges have been laid.

Contents

[edit] Corporate history

Erik Prince, Blackwater founder and owner
Erik Prince, Blackwater founder and owner
Main article: Blackwater Worldwide businesses

In the late 1990s, Erik Prince spent part of his inherited wealth to purchase about 6,000 acres (24 km2) of the Great Dismal Swamp, a vast wetland area on the North Carolina/Virginia border, now mostly a national preserve. Here he created his state-of-the-art private training facility, and his contracting company—Blackwater—is named for the peat-colored water of the swamp.[13] Blackwater USA was formed in 1997 to provide training support to military and law enforcement organizations. In 2002 Blackwater Security Consulting (BSC) was formed. It was one of several private security firms employed following the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan. BSC is one of over 60 private security firms employed during the Iraq War to guard officials and installations, train Iraq's new army and police, and provide other support for occupation forces.[14] Blackwater was also hired during the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina by the Department of Homeland Security, as well as by private clients, including communications, petrochemical and insurance companies.[15] Overall, the company has received over US$1 billion in government contracts.[16] Blackwater consists of nine divisions, and a subsidiary, Blackwater Vehicles.

Blackwater is a privately held company and does not publish much information about internal affairs. Blackwater's owner and founder Erik Prince, a former Navy SEAL, attended the Naval Academy, graduated from Hillsdale College, and was an intern in George H.W. Bush's White House. Prince is a major financial supporter of Republican Party causes and candidates.[17] Blackwater's president, Gary Jackson, is also a former Navy SEAL.[18]

Cofer Black, the company's current vice chairman, was director of the CIA's Counterterrorist Center (CTC) at the time of the September 11, 2001 attacks. He was the United States Department of State coordinator for counterterrorism with the rank of ambassador at large from December 2002 to November 2004. After leaving public service, Black became chairman of the privately owned intelligence gathering company Total Intelligence Solutions, Inc., as well as vice chairman for Blackwater. Robert Richer was vice president of intelligence until January 2007, when he formed Total Intelligence Solutions. He was formerly the head of the CIA's Near East Division.[19][20] Black was senior advisor for counterterrorism and national security issues for the 2008 Presidential election bid of Mitt Romney.[21]

Blackwater's primary training facility, located on 7,000 acres (28 km2) in northeastern North Carolina, comprises several ranges; indoor, outdoor, urban reproductions; a man-made lake; and a driving track in Camden and Currituck counties. Company literature says that it is the largest training facility in the country. In November 2006 Blackwater USA announced it recently acquired an 80-acre (30 ha) facility 150 miles (240 km) west of Chicago, in Mount Carroll, Illinois to be called Blackwater North. That facility has been operational since April 2007 and serves law enforcement agencies throughout the midwest. Blackwater is also trying to open an 824-acre (3.33 km2) training facility three miles north of Potrero, a small town in rural east San Diego County, California located 45 miles (72 km) east of San Diego, for military and law enforcement training.[22][23][24][25][24] The opening has faced heavy opposition from local residents, residents of nearby San Diego, a local Congressmember Bob Filner, and environmental and anti-war organizations. Opposition focused on a potential for wildfire increases, the proposed facility's proximity to the Cleveland National Forest, noise pollution, and opposition to the actions of Blackwater in Iraq.[26][27] In response, Brian Bonfiglio, project manager for Blackwater West, said "There will be no explosives training and no tracer ammunition. Lead bullets don't start fires." In October 2007, when wildfires swept through the area, Blackwater made at least three deliveries of food, water, personal hygiene products and generator fuel to 300 residents near the proposed training site, many of whom had been trapped for days without supplies. They also set up a "tent city" for evacuees.[28] On March 7, 2008, Blackwater withdrew its application to set up a facility in San Diego County.[citation needed]

Both logos, side by side. Note the original below, with the curved Blackwater text.
Both logos, side by side. Note the original below, with the curved Blackwater text.

In October 2007, Blackwater USA began a process of altering its name to Blackwater Worldwide, and unveiled a new logo.[29] A Blackwater representative stated that the decision to change the logo was made before the September 16, 2007 Nisoor Square shootings, but was not changed officially until after.[29] Many referred to the change as having eliminated the previous "cross hair" theme, replaced by a reticle instead.[29]

On July 21, 2008 Blackwater Worldwide stated that they would shift resources away from security contracting because of extensive risk in that sector. "The experience we've had would certainly be a disincentive to any other companies that want to step in and put their entire business at risk," company founder and CEO Erik Prince told The Associated Press during a daylong visit to the company's North Carolina compound.[30]

[edit] Iraq War involvement

See also: 31 March 2004 Fallujah ambush, Andrew J. Moonen, and Blackwater Baghdad shootings

Blackwater Worldwide has played a substantial role during the Iraq War as a contractor for the United States government. In 2003, Blackwater attained its first high-profile contract when it received a $21 million no-bid contract for guarding the head of the Coalition Provisional Authority, L. Paul Bremer.[31] Since June 2004, Blackwater has been paid more than $320 million out of a $1 billion, five-year State Department budget for the Worldwide Personal Protective Service, which protects U.S. officials and some foreign officials in conflict zones.[32] In 2006, Blackwater won the renumerative contract to protect the U.S. embassy in Iraq, the largest American embassy in the world. It is estimated by the Pentagon and company representatives that there are 20,000 to 30,000 armed security contractors working in Iraq, and some estimates are as high as 100,000, though no official figures exist.[33][32] Of the State Department's dependence on private contractors like Blackwater for security purposes, U.S. ambassador to Iraq Ryan Crocker told the U.S. Senate: "There is simply no way at all that the State Department's Bureau of Diplomatic Security could ever have enough full-time personnel to staff the security function in Iraq. There is no alternative except through contracts."[34][35]

For work in Iraq, Blackwater has drawn contractors from their international pool of professionals, a database containing "21,000 former Special Forces operatives, soldiers, and retired law enforcement agents," overall.[36] For instance, Gary Jackson, the firm's president, has confirmed that Bosnians, Filipinos, and Chileans "have been hired for tasks ranging from airport security to protecting Paul Bremer, the head of the Coalition Provisional Authority." Between 2005 and September 2007, Blackwater security staff was involved in 195 shooting incidents; in 163 of those cases, Blackwater personnel fired first. 25 members of staff have been fired for violations of Blackwater's drug and alcohol policy and 28 more for weapons-related incidents.[37]

[edit] Fallujah and Al Najaf

A Blackwater Security Company MD-530F helicopter aids in securing the site of a car bomb explosion in Baghdad, Iraq, December, 2004, during Operation Iraqi Freedom.
A Blackwater Security Company MD-530F helicopter aids in securing the site of a car bomb explosion in Baghdad, Iraq, December, 2004, during Operation Iraqi Freedom.

On March 31, 2004, Iraqi insurgents in Fallujah attacked a convoy containing four American private military contractors from Blackwater USA who were conducting delivery for food caterers ESS.[38] The four unarmed contractors, Scott Helvenston, Jerko Zovko, Wesley Batalona and Michael Teague, were attacked and killed with grenades and small arms fire. Their bodies were hanged from a bridge crossing the Euphrates.[39] This event was one of the causes of the US military attack on the city in the First Battle of Fallujah.[40] In the fall of 2007, a congressional report by the House Oversight Committee found that Blackwater intentionally "delayed and impeded" investigations into the contractors' deaths.[41]

In April 2004, a few days after the Fallujah bridge hanging, a small team of Blackwater employees, along with a fire team of U.S. Marines, held off over 400 insurgents outside the Coalition Provisional Authority headquarters in Al Najaf, Iraq, waiting for U.S. troops to arrive. The headquarters was surrounded and it was the last area in the city that remained in coalition control. During the siege, as supplies and ammunition ran low, a team of Blackwater contractors 70 miles (113 km) away flew to the compound to resupply and bring an injured U.S. Marine back to safety outside of the city.[42][43] In April 2005 six Blackwater independent contractors were killed in Iraq when their Mi-8 helicopter was shot down. Also killed were three Bulgarian crewmembers and two Fijian gunners. Initial reports indicate the helicopter was shot down by rocket propelled grenades. In 2006 a car accident occurred in the Baghdad Green Zone when an SUV driven by Blackwater operatives crashed into a U.S. Army Humvee. Blackwater guards disarmed the Army soldiers and forced them to lie on the ground at gunpoint until they could disentangle their SUV from the wreck.[44]

[edit] Baghdad

On Christmas Eve 2006, a security guard of the Iraqi vice president, Adel Abdul Mahdi, was shot and killed while on duty outside the Iraqi prime minister's compound. The Iraqi government has accused Andrew J. Moonen, at the time an employee of Blackwater USA, of murdering him while drunk. Moonen was subsequently fired by Blackwater for "violating alcohol and firearm policy", and travelled from Iraq to the United States days after the incident. United States Attorneys are currently investigating.[45] The United States State Department and Blackwater USA had attempted to keep his identity secret. Despite the Blackwater incident, Moonen found subsequent employment. From February to August 2007, he was employed by US Defense Department contractor Combat Support Associates (CSA) in Kuwait. In April 2007, the US Department of Defense tried to call him back to active duty, but cancelled the request because Moonen was overseas.[46][47]

Blackwater Security guarding U.S. State Department employees
Blackwater Security guarding U.S. State Department employees

Five Blackwater contractors were killed on January 23, 2007 in Iraq when their Hughes H-6 helicopter was shot down. The incident happened on Baghdad's Haifa Street. The crash site was secured by a personal security detail, callsign "Jester" from 1/26 Infantry, 1st Infantry Division. Three Iraqi insurgent groups claimed responsibility for shooting down the helicopter, however, this has not been confirmed by the United States.[citation needed] A U.S. defense official has confirmed that four of the five killed were shot execution style in the back of the head, but did not know whether the four had survived the crash.[48][49]

In late May 2007, Blackwater contractors opened fire on the streets of Baghdad twice in two days, one of the incidents provoking a standoff between the security contractors and Iraqi Interior Ministry commandos, according to U.S. and Iraqi officials.[33] On May 30, 2007, Blackwater employees shot an Iraqi civilian deemed to have been "driving too close" to a State Department convoy that was being escorted by Blackwater contractors.[33][50] Other private security contractors, such as Aegis Defence Services have been accused of similar actions.[50] Doug Brooks, the president of the International Peace Operations Association ("IPOA"), a trade group representing Blackwater and other military contractors, said that in his view military law would not apply to Blackwater employees working for the State Department.[51] In October of 2007, Blackwater USA announced that the company was taking a "hiatus" from membership in IPOA.[52]

On February 6, 2006, a sniper employed by Blackwater Worldwide opened fire from the roof of the Iraqi Justice Ministry, killing three guards working for the state-funded Iraqi Media Network. According to 13 witnesses, the guards had not fired on the Justice Ministry. An Iraqi police report described the shootings as "an act of terrorism" and said Blackwater "caused the incident."[citation needed] Iraqi Media Network concluded that the guards were killed "without any provocation."[citation needed] The U.S. State Department, based on information obtained from Blackwater guards, who said they were fired upon, determined that the security team's actions "fell within approved rules governing the use of force."[53]

On September 16, 2007, Blackwater guards opened fire in Nisour Square, Baghdad, killing 17 civilians in the Blackwater Baghdad shootings incident. Witnesses claimed that the attack was unprovoked and that the mercenaries, in the employ of the U.S., continued firing while the Iraqi civilians were fleeing. Two Blackwater helicopters were also spotted at the time, who witnesses say aided in the attack. However, Blackwater maintained that its guards were under attack and responded accordingly. The FBI found that at least 14 of the shootings were unjustified and found no evidence to support assertions by Blackwater employees that they were fired upon by Iraqi civilians.[54] Federal prosecutors have narrowed their focus to three Blackwater employees. A number of victims and victims' families have filed a lawsuit against Blackwater in Atban, et al. v. Blackwater USA, et al.[55].

[edit] Legal status and oversight of Blackwater Worldwide

Blackwater's license to operate in Iraq was revoked by the Iraqi Government on September 17, 2007, resulting from a highly contentious incident that occurred the previous day during which seventeen (initially reported as eleven) Iraqis were killed.[56][57] The fatalities occurred while a Blackwater Private Security Detail (PSD) was escorting a convoy of U.S. State Department vehicles en route to a meeting in western Baghdad with United States Agency for International Development officials. The US State Department has said that "innocent life was lost."[58] An anonymous U.S. military official was quoted as saying that Blackwater's guards opened fire without provocation and used excessive force.[59] The incident has sparked at least five investigations, and the FBI says it will begin a probe.[60] Blackwater helicopters were dispatched to evacuate the Polish ambassador following an insurgent assassination attempt on October 3, 2007.[61]

[edit] U.S. Congress

On October 2, 2007 Erik Prince was subjected to a congressional hearing conducted by the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform following the controversy related to Blackwater's conduct in Iraq and Afghanistan.[62][63] Blackwater hired the public relations firm BKSH & Associates Worldwide, a subsidiary of Burson-Marsteller, to help Prince prepare for his testimony at the hearing. Robert Tappan, a former U.S. State Department official who worked for the Coalition Provisional Authority in Baghdad, was one the executives handling the account.[64] BKSH, a self-described "bipartisan" firm (Hillary Rodham Clinton, when pursuing the Democratic presidential nomination, was also a client), is headed by Charlie Black, a prominent Republican political strategist and former chief spokesman for the Republican National Committee, and Scott Pastrick, former treasurer of the Democratic National Committee.[65][66]

In his testimony before Congress, Prince said his company has a lack of remedies to deal with employee misdeeds. When asked why an employee involved in the killing of a vice-presidential guard incident had been "whisked out of the country" he replied, "We can't flog him, we can't incarcerate him."[67] Asked by a member of Congress for financial information about his company, Prince declined to provide it. "We're a private company, and there's a key word there — private," he answered.[68] Later he stated that the company could provide it at a future date if questions were submitted in writing. [69] When the term "mercenaries" was used to describe Blackwater employees, Prince objected, characterizing them as "loyal Americans".[70]

A Committee on Oversight and Government Reform staff report, based largely on internal Blackwater e-mail messages and State Department documents, describes Blackwater as "being staffed with reckless, shoot-first guards who were not always sober and did not always stop to see who or what was hit by their bullets."[71] A staff report compiled by the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform on behalf of Representative Waxman questioned the cost-effectiveness of using Blackwater forces instead of U.S. troops. Blackwater charges the government $1,222 per day per guard, "equivalent to $445,000 per year, or six times more than the cost of an equivalent U.S. soldier," the report alleged.[72] During his testimony on Capitol Hill, Erik Prince disputed this figure, saying that it costs money for the government to train a soldier, to house and feed them, they don't just come prepared to fight. "That sergeant doesn't show up naked and untrained", Prince stated.[72][73]

In the wake of Prince's testimony before Congress, the US House passed a bill in October 2007 that would make all private contractors working in Iraq and other combat zones subject to prosecution by U.S. courts, and Senate Democratic leaders have said they plan to send similar legislation to President Bush as soon as possible.[74] The legal status of Blackwater and other security firms in Iraq is a subject of contention.[75] Two days before he left Iraq, L. Paul Bremer signed "Order 17" giving all Americans associated with the CPA and the American government immunity from Iraqi law.[76][77] A July 2007 report from the American Congressional Research Service indicates that the Iraqi government still has no authority over private security firms contracted by the U.S. government.[78] On October 5, 2007 the State Department announced new rules for Blackwater's armed guards operating in Iraq. Under the new guidelines, State Department security agents will accompany all Blackwater units operating in and around Baghdad. The State Department will also install video surveillance equipment in all Blackwater armored vehicles, and will keep recordings of all radio communications between Blackwater convoys in Iraq and the military and civilian agencies which supervise their activities.[79]

[edit] Iraqi courts and legal action

On September 23, 2007, the Iraqi government said that it expects to refer criminal charges to its courts in connection with a shooting involving Blackwater guards.[80] However, on October 29, 2007, immunity from prosecution was granted by The U.S. State Department, delaying a criminal inquiry into the September 16 shootings of 17 Iraqi civilians.[81] Immediately afterwards, the Iraqi government approved a draft law to end any and all immunity for foreign military contractors in Iraq, to overturn Order 17. The U.S. Department of Justice also said any immunity deals offered to Blackwater employees were invalid, as the department that issued them had no authority to do so.[82]

Legal specialists say that the U.S. government is unlikely to allow a trial in the Iraqi courts, because there is little confidence that trials would be fair. Contractors accused of crimes abroad could be tried in the United States under either military or civilian law; however, the applicable military law, the Uniform Code of Military Justice, was changed in 2006, and appears to now exempt State Department contractors that provide security escorts for a civilian agency. Prosecution under civilian law would be through the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act, which allows the extension of federal law to civilians supporting military operations; however, according to the deputy assistant attorney general in the Justice Department’s criminal division Robert Litt, trying a criminal case in federal court would require a secure chain of evidence, with police securing the crime scene immediately, while evidence gathered by Iraqi investigators would be regarded as suspect.[8]

[edit] Non-Iraq services

Blackwater CASA 212 over Afghanistan dropping supplies to U.S. Army troops
Blackwater CASA 212 over Afghanistan dropping supplies to U.S. Army troops

Blackwater Worldwide was employed to assist the Hurricane Katrina relief efforts on the Gulf Coast. According to a company press release, it provided airlift, security, logistics, and transportation services, as well as humanitarian support. It was reported that the company also acted as law enforcement in the disaster-stricken areas, for example securing neighborhoods and "confronting criminals".[83] Blackwater moved about 200 personnel into the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, most of whom (164 employees) were working under a contract with the Department of Homeland Security to protect government facilities,[84] but the company held contracts with private clients as well. Overall, Blackwater had a "visible, and financially lucrative, presence in the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Katrina as the use of the company contractors cost U.S. taxpayers $240,000 a day."[85] There has been much dispute surrounding governmental contracts in post-Katrina New Orleans, especially no-bid contracts such as the one Blackwater was awarded. Blackwater's heavily-armed presence in the city was also the subject of much confusion and criticism.[84]

Blackwater is one of five companies picked by the Department of Defense Counter-Narcotics Technology Program Office in a five-year contract for equipment, material and services in support of counter-narcotics activities. The contract is worth up to $15 billion. The other companies picked are Raytheon, Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, and Arinc Inc..[86] Blackwater USA has also been contracted by various foreign governments. In 2005, it worked to train the Naval Sea Commando regiment of Azerbaijan, enhancing their interdiction capabilities on the Caspian Sea.[87] In Asia, Blackwater has contracts in Japan guarding AN/TPY-2 radar systems.[88]

[edit] Litigation

See also: Helvenston et al. v. Blackwater Security

Blackwater is currently being sued by the families of Scott Helvenston and the three other contractors killed in Fallujah in March 2004. The families say they are not suing for financial damages, but rather for the details of their sons' and husbands' deaths, saying Blackwater has refused to supply these details, and that in its "zeal to exploit this unexpected market for private security men," the company "showed a callous disregard for the safety of its employees."[32] Four family members testified in front of the House Government Reform Committee on February 7, 2007. They asked that Blackwater be held accountable for future negligence of employees' lives, and that federal legislation be drawn up to govern contracts between the Department of Defense and defense contractors.[32] Blackwater has counter-sued the lawyer representing the empty estates of the deceased for $10 million on the grounds the lawsuit was contractually prohibited from ever being filed.[89]

According to an Army report, on November 27, 2004, a Blackwater plane, "in violation of numerous government regulations and contract requirements," crashed into a mountainside in Afghanistan, killing all six passengers on board.[90] Several U.S. military personnel were on board because there was space on the cargo plane. Underqualified Blackwater staff made a series of errors leading to the plane crashing into a rock wall.[citation needed] Errors included failing to file a flight plan and failing to use oxygen masks, which may have caused the pilot to succumb to high-altitude euphoria.[91] The families of the three soldiers killed — Lt. Col. Michael McMahon, Chief Warrant Officer Travis Grogan and Spec. Harley Miller — filed a wrongful death suit against Blackwater, alleging negligence. Presidential Airways, a division of Blackwater, questioned the validity of the Army's report, stating that it "contains numerous errors, misstatements, and unfounded assumptions."[90] On April 19, 2006, The Nation magazine published an article titled, "Blood is Thicker Than Blackwater," concerning the families' lawsuit against Blackwater. The article discussed the removal of the word "armored" from already-signed contracts, and other allegations of wrongdoing.[92]

On October 11, 2007, the Center for Constitutional Rights filed suit against Blackwater under the Alien Tort Claims Act on behalf of an injured Iraqi and the families of three of the 17 Iraqis killed by Blackwater employees during the September 16, 2007 Blackwater Baghdad shootings.[93]

[edit] Controversy and criticism

See also: Blackwater Worldwide arms smuggling allegations

There are a variety of ongoing controversies involving Blackwater Worldwide that are not in direct relation to their specific and individual operations for the U.S. government. However, their role in their work is the factor of these controversies. Critics consider Blackwater's self-description as a private military company to be a euphemism for mercenary activities.[94] Jeremy Scahill points out that Chilean nationals, mostly former soldiers, whose country of origin does not participate in hostilities in Iraq, work for Blackwater in that country, thus those Chileans meet the definition of "mercenary."[95][96] At least 60 Chilean Blackwater employees were trained during dictator Augusto Pinochet's regime.[97][98][99] Author Chris Hedges wrote about the establishment of mercenary armies, referring to Blackwater as an example of such a force, asserting its existence as a threat to democracy and a step towards the creation of a modern day Praetorian Guard in a June 3, 2007 article in the Philadelphia Inquirer.[100]

J. Cofer Black, vice chairman of Blackwater
J. Cofer Black, vice chairman of Blackwater

In March 2006, Cofer Black, vice chairman of Blackwater USA, allegedly suggested at an international conference in Amman, Jordan, that the company was ready to move towards providing security professionals up to brigade size (3,000–5,000) for humanitarian efforts and low-intensity conflicts. Critics have suggested this may be going too far in putting political decisions in the hands of privately owned corporations.[101] The company denies this was ever said.[102]

In December 2006, an Iraqi politician, Ayham al-Samarie, escaped from a prison in Iraq, where he was awaiting trial for 12 criminal corruption cases.[103][104] Blackwater, which he had hired for protection before his arrest, allegedly helped him escape.[103][104] He said from Dubai he would return to the United States as he hadn't broken any U.S. laws and had fled Iraq because he feared he would be killed or kidnapped.[citation needed] He arrived in Chicago on January 9, claiming that an Iraqi judge had ordered his release, he feared being killed if he stayed in jail, and U.S. officials had assured him he would not be extradited to Iraq.[citation needed]

On September 22, 2007, U.S. federal prosecutors announced an investigation into allegations that Blackwater employees may have smuggled weapons into Iraq, and that these weapons may have been later transferred to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), a Kurdish nationalist group designated a terrorist organization by the United States, NATO and the EU.[105][106][107] The U.S. government was investigating Blackwater for these alleged crimes.[108] On October 4, 2007, the FBI took over the investigation.[109]

According to Prince, he stated in September 2007 that there was a “rush to judgment” about Blackwater, due to "inaccurate information".[110]

In January 2008, Marshall Adame, a Democrat running for Congress in North Carolina's 3rd District, took part in a live question-and-answer forum where he was asked a question about Blackwater. Adame, who had served as a State Department official in Iraq recounted, "I saw them shoot people, I saw them crash into cars while I was their passenger. There was absolutely no reason, no provocation whatsoever." He then stated, "There is no place in the American force structure, or in American culture for mercenaries, they are guns for hire; No more, no less."[citation needed] This led Blackwater executive vice president Bill Mathews to send an internal corporate email to staff:

There is a man named Marshall Adame who is running for congress in our district. He just put a quote online which says he wants this company and all of us to cease to exist. Do you like your jobs? Are you sick and tired of the slanderous bullshit going on in DC? If so, would you all mind joining me in reminding Mr. Adame that he is running for office in our backyard. Tell all your friends and family too. We welcome their assistance in making this point very clear to Mr. Adame.
Anyone who wants to send a letter may do so at the following address…....
His email is ....
He was too cowardly to put a phone number on the web. I ask that you keep your comments to Mr. Adame professional (well, mostly professional). We help him if our comments get threatening or too crass. Let’s run this goof out of Dodge….![111]

As a result of the letter writing campaign Adame stated, "I feel very strongly about how extensively organized Blackwater has become, and I will do everything I can as a congressman to look into that, to find out whether or not the things they're doing are even legal."[112] Ultimately however, Adame was defeated in the 2008 Democratic primary by Craig Weber.[113]

[edit] See also

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ a b "Agreement for security services" (PDF). United States House of Representatives (2004-03-12). Retrieved on 2007-12-30.
  2. ^ Gielink, Dirk; Maarten Buitenhuis, René Moelker (2007). "No Contractors on the Battlefield: The Dutch Military's Reluctance to Outsource", in Thomas Jäger, Gerhard Kümmel: Private Military and Security Companies: Chances, Problems, Pitfalls and Prospects. VS Verlag, 149. ISBN 3531149016. 
  3. ^ Mackay, Neil (2007-10-02). "BACK IN IRAQ: THE 'WHORES OF WAR'", The Sunday Herald. Retrieved on 2007-12-30. 
  4. ^ Scahill, Jeremy (2007-09-28). "Will Blackwater Be Kicked Out of Iraq After Recent Bloodbath?", The Nation. Retrieved on 2007-12-30. 
  5. ^ Swanson, David (2007-09-28). "Observing Our Government Through Blackwater", Scoop New Zealand. Retrieved on 2007-12-30. 
  6. ^ Bruce, Ian (2007-09-28). "Blackwater uses armed force ‘twice as often as other Iraq firms’", The Herald. Retrieved on 2007-12-30. 
  7. ^ "Blackwater admits employees illegally sold weapons", Tehran Times (2007-09-23). Retrieved on 2007-12-30. 
  8. ^ a b Rubin, Alissa; Paul von Zielbauer (2007-10-11). "Blackwater Case Highlights Legal Uncertainties", New York Times. Retrieved on 2008-02-01. 
  9. ^ Lee, Matthew (2007-09-22). "Feds Target Blackwater in Weapons Probe", Associated Press. Retrieved on 2008-01-02. 
  10. ^ Elsea, Jennifer; Nina Serafino. "CRS report for congress, Private security contractors in Iraq: Background, legal status and other issues" (PDF). Retrieved on 2008-01-02.
  11. ^ Sizemore, Bill; Joanne Kimberlin (2007-07-25). "Blackwater: On the Front Lines", The Virginian-Pilot. Retrieved on 2008-01-02. 
  12. ^ Johnston, David; John M. Broder (2007-11-14). ""F.B.I. Says Guards Killed 14 Iraqis Without Cause"", The New York Times. Retrieved on 2007-11-30. 
  13. ^ (2007-10-22) The Man Behind Blackwater. Newsweek, 36-38. 
  14. ^ Squitieri, Tom (2004-04-01). "Role of security companies likely to become more visible", USA Today. Retrieved on 2008-01-02. 
  15. ^ Sizemore, Bill (2005-09-15). "US: Private Security Company Creates Stir in New Orleans", The Virginian-Pilot. Retrieved on 2008-01-02. 
  16. ^ Berkowitz, Bill (2007-06-29). "Blackwater Blues for Dead Contractors' Families", IPS News. Retrieved on 2008-01-02. 
  17. ^ Flintoff, Corey (2007-09-25). "Blackwater's Prince Has GOP, Christian Group Ties", National Public Radio. Retrieved on 2008-01-02. 
  18. ^ "Four Civilians Worked for N.C. Security Firm", Associated Press, Fox News (2004-03-31). Retrieved on 2008-01-02. 
  19. ^ Silverstein, Ken (2007-09-22). "Revolving Door to Blackwater Causes Alarm at CIA", Harper's Magazine. 
  20. ^ "About Total Intelligence Solutions". Retrieved on 2007-10-24.
  21. ^ "Former Top Counterterrorism Official Cofer Black Joins Romney For President". Retrieved on 2007-10-24.
  22. ^ "Locals Against Training Camp In East County", 10News.com (2007-05-12). Retrieved on 2007-09-28. 
  23. ^ R. J. Hillhouse (2007-04-26). "Exclusive Interview: Blackwater USA's President Gary Jackson", The Spy Who Billed Me. Retrieved on 2007-09-28. 
  24. ^ a b Bauder, Don (2007-02-22). "Tiny Potrero Battles County and Blackwater USA", San Diego Reader. Retrieved on 2008-04-13. 
  25. ^ Van Deerlin, Lionel (2007-04-19). "Blackwater in Potrero?". Retrieved on 2007-09-28. 
  26. ^ "Blackwater Plans for New Military Facility Near San Diego Draws Fire From Residents, Peace Activists and Local Congressmember", Democracy Now! (2004-04-19). Retrieved on 2007-12-12. 
  27. ^ Khan, Carrie (2007-10-09). "Blackwater's San Diego-Area Plan Spurs Protest", National Public Radio. Retrieved on 2007-12-30. 
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[edit] External links and references

Wikinews
Wikinews has News related to this article:
  • Licensed to Kill, Hired Guns in the War on Terror by Robert Young Pelton, Crown Books 2006, 368. pp. Extensive material on Blackwater in Prologue and Chapter 2, "The New Breed," Chapter 5, "The Blackwater Bridge," Chapter 6, "Under Siege" which discusses Blackwater at An Najaf, Chapter 7, "The Dog Track and the Swamp," which chronicles Pelton's visits to Blackwater training facilities, one of which is a dog track, Chapter 8, running the Gauntlet, and Chapter 11, "The Lord and the Prince," partly about Erik Prince.
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