Cofán language

Cofán
A'ingae
Native to	Ecuador, Colombia
Region	Oriente or Ecuadorian Amazon
Ethnicity	Cofán people
Native speakers	2,400 (2001–2008)
Language family	language isolate
Official status
Official language in	Ecuador: indigenous languages official in own territories
Language codes
ISO 639-3	con
Glottolog	cofa1242
ELP	Cofán

The Cofán language (also Kofan or Kofane; autonym: A'ingae) is the language of the Cofán people, an indigenous group native to the province of Sucumbíos in northeast Ecuador and southern Colombia (Nariño Department; Orito, San Miguel and Valle del Guamuez in Putumayo Department).

While Cofán is an endangered language, it is classified as a developing language with 1400 to 2400 speakers. There are two types of Cofán: Aguarico (spoken in Ecuador) and San Miguel (primarily spoken in Colombia). Approximately 60% of Cofán speakers in Ecuador are literate in their own language.

Use of Cofán in Ecuador is connected to the language in land property rights documents and in the bilingual access to the language in schools. In Colombia, Cofán is more endangered because of war, displacement, and intermarriage.

History and Current Status

A’ingae is a language isolate of Amazonia spoken by the Cofán people in the province of Sucumbios in Northeastern Ecuador and the provinces of Putumayo and Nariño in Southern Columbia. The language has approximately 1500 speakers and is relatively vital in Ecuador and severely endangered in Colombia. However, language attitudes about A’ingae are positive and it is considered foundational to Cofán identity and community (Cepek 2012).

The A’i are traditionally hunter-gatherers who historically spanned over a large territory (AnderBois et al. 2019). In Ecuador, the Cofán have resisted conquest by the Inca and colonization by the Spanish, as well as anti-indigenous policies by the Ecuadorian government. The pre-Colombian Cofán population is estimated at 60,000 to 70,000. Though the origin of the Cofán is the Eastern Andean Cordilleras, Inca encroachment pushed the Cofán to the eastern lowlands, which they still inhabit today. The Cofán have undergone de facto segregation codified by the Ecuadorian government, a measles outbreak in 1923 that reduced the population to a few hundred, and illegal oil extraction that threatened the environment in Cofán territory and the Cofán way of life. The Cofán have played a major role in the Indigenous movement in Ecuador, and in 2018 they won a judicial case recognizing their right to decide over environmental activities in their territory and prohibiting the continued operation of mining activities.

The Cofán’s religious tradition is shamanistic, and a key cultural value of the Cofán is harmonious conviviality. In addition, participation in cultural practices such as drinking yaje and traditional skills like hunting and housebuilding, rather than descent or ethnicity, plays a large role in determining one’s status as an a’i (Cepek 2012). The Cofán credit their strong linguistic identity for their ability to withstand colonial oppression and protect their traditional way of life.

A’ingae is a language isolate. The language has considerable Amazonian borrowings from tukanoan and cariban languages, as well as many Quechuan borrowings. While there have been previous claims of genetic ties or language contact of A’ingae to Barbacoan, Chicham, and Chibchan, it has been determined that there are no substantial borrowings. No complete grammar of the language has been produced.

The name of the language, A’ingae, which consists of the stem a’i (‘person, Cofán person, civilized person’) and the manner clitic =ngae, means ‘in the manner of the people’. Though the speakers use the word A’ingae, the language is also known by the Spanish denomination Cofán/Kofán.

Writing System (Orthography)

A’ingae has two principal orthographies, both using the Latin alphabet. The first was developed by missionaries Marlytte and Roberta Borman, and first employed in M. Borman (1962). This orthography was influenced by Spanish and thus contained some needless complexity such as representing the phoneme /k/ with ⟨qu⟩ before front vowels, and with ⟨c⟩ elsewhere. Borman also conveyed aspirated obstruents via reduplication instead of via <h> insertion like in the modern orthography. More recently, the Cofán community has created and widely adopted a new writing system which aimed to solve some of the opacities of Borman’s script. A comparison between the two orthographies can be observed in the tables below:

Consonants

IPA	Borman	Community	IPA	Borman	Community
/p/	p		/ndz/	ndz, dz**
/ph/	pp	ph	/ndʒ/	ndy, dy
/t/	t		/f/	f
/th/	tt	th	/s/	s
/k/	c, qu	k	/ʃ/	sh
/kh/	cc, qqu	kh	/h/	j
/ʔ/	‘		/m/	m
/ts/	ts		/n/	n
/tsh/	tss	tsh	/ɲ/	ñ
/tʃ/	ch		/ɾ/	r
/tʃh/	cch	chh	/ʋ/	v
/mb/	mb, b*		/j/	y
/nd/	nd, d		/ɰ/	g
/ŋɡ/	ng, g

* The prenasalized voiced stops and affricates are written without a homorganic nasal at the beginning of words. This is because word-initially, voiced stops are realized with less nasality than they are word-medially, hence the orthographic representation. However Repetti-Ludlow et al. (2020) found that there is still some nasalisation present.

** Both Borman and Community orthographies show inconsistency between the use of <dz> and <z>

Vowels

IPA	Borman	Community	IPA	Borman	Community
/a/	a		/ã/	an, a
/e/	e		/ẽ/	en, e
/i/	i		/ĩ/	in, i
/o/	o	u	/õ/	on, o	un, u
/ɨ/	u	û	/ɨ̃/	un, u	ûn, û

Phonology

A’ingae has 27 consonants as well as 5 oral monophthongs and 6 oral diphthongs, each with a nasal counterpart which is contrastive. The language is currently considered to have an unknown amount of dialectal variation. It is quite likely that there is some, but no concrete research and evidence has been put forward to make a strong claim either way, warranting further investigation.

Consonants

The 27 consonant phonemes are listed below in the table with their IPA representations. In A’ingae, there is a three-way, contrastive distinction between voiceless, aspirated, and prenasalized plosives and affricates. There are no such distinctions for fricatives. All consonants can be word-initial, except for /ʔ/ and /ɰ/. Note that glottal stop, although phonologically contrastive, can be realized as creakiness.

	Bilabial	Labio- dental	Alveolar	Post- alveolar	Palatal	Velar	Glottal
Plosive	p   ph   mb		t    th    nd			k  kh  ŋg	ʔ
Affricate			t͡s   t͡sh   nd͡z	t͡ʃ   t͡ʃh   nd͡ʒ
Fricative		f	s	ʃ			h
Nasal	m		n		ɲ
Approximant		ʋ			j	ɰ
Tap			ɾ

Vowels

The 5 oral vowels and their nasal counterparts are listed in the table below with their IPA representation. The 6 diphthongs and their nasal counterparts in IPA representation are the following: [ai]/[ãĩ], [oe]/[õẽ], [oa]/[õã], [oi]/[õĩ], [ɨi]/[ɨ̃ĩ], and [ao]/[ãõ].

	Front	Central	Back
High	i / ĩ	ɨ / ɨ̃
Mid	e / ẽ		o / õ
Low		a / ã

Diphthongs

When vowels appear adjacent to one another, they either become a diphthong (for the pairs listed above) or a glide is inserted if a diphthong does not exist for that pair. For example:

(1) /ho.ʋaʔ.kã.o/ $\rightarrow$ [ho.ʋaʔ.kãõ] (DIST-CMP-AUG) ‘exactly like that’

(2) /ɲo.ts^hi.a/ $\rightarrow$ [ɲõ.tshi.ja] (good-QUAL-ADJR) ‘good’

Note that the vowel pair /ae/ is realized as [ai].

Triphthongs do not exist in A’ingae, and glottal stops are inserted phonemically when a sequence of three vowels would occur as in example (1) below.

(3) /^mbia.a/ $\rightarrow$ [bi̯a.ʔa] (long-ADJR) ‘long’

Nasalization

Nasalization is a major feature of the A’ingae sound system. As already seen, there are contrastive prenasalized consonants as well as contrastive nasal counterparts to all monophthongs and diphthongs. Example (4) below demonstrates their contrasting nature:

(4a) /hi/ $\rightarrow$ [hi] ‘come’

(4b) /hĩ/ $\rightarrow$ [hĩ] ‘exist’

Along with being contrastive, nasalization also plays a key phonological role in the surface realization of morphemes, working both backwards and forwards. The consonants /p/, /t/, /ʋ/, and /j/ all become nasalized when following a nasal vowel, becoming /^mb/, /ⁿd/, /m/, and /ɲ/, respectively, as in examples (5) and (6).

(5a) /ha-pa/ $\rightarrow$ [ha.pa] (go-SS) ‘go’

(5b) /hẽ-pa/ $\rightarrow$ [hẽ.^mba] (sound-SS) ‘sound(VERB)

(6a) /hi-ʔja/ $\rightarrow$ [hiʔ.ja] (come-VER) ‘does come’

(6b) /hĩ-ʔja/ $\rightarrow$ [hĩʔ.ɲã] (exist-VER) ‘does exist’

Note that nasalization of vowels can cross consonant boundaries when the vowels are separated by a glottal fricative /h/ or glottal stop /ʔ/ (even when a glide is present) as in example (*) above and example (7) below:

(7a) /tsɨi-ʔhe/ $\rightarrow$ [tsɨiʔ.he] (walk-IPFV) ‘walking’

(7b) /tsõ-ʔhe/ $\rightarrow$ [tsõʔ.hẽ] (do-IPFV) ‘doing’

Additionally, oral vowels become nasalized when preceding prenasalized consonants and when following nasal consonants, as in examples (8) and (9). They also become nasalized when either preceded or followed by a nasal vowel, as in examples (10) and (11).

(8) /dɨ.ʃo-ⁿde.k^hɨ/ $\rightarrow$ [dɨ.ʃõ.ⁿde.k^hɨ] (child-PLH) ‘children’

(9) /ɲoɲa-pa/ $\rightarrow$ [ɲõɲã.^mba] (make-SS) ‘make’

(10) /ho.ʋaʔ-kã-o/ $\rightarrow$ [ho.ʋaʔ.kãõ] (DIST-CMP-AUG) ‘exactly like that’

(11) /bɨt^ho-ĩ/ $\rightarrow$ [bɨt^hõĩ] (run-MVM) ‘run’

Syllable Structure

A’ingae syllable structure is (C)V(ʔ), with many variations thereof. At minimum a syllable can be a singular vowel and at maximum can be consonant onset with a diphthong nucleus and glottal stop coda. Note that vowel length is not a relevant feature in syllable structure. A complete list of the structures allowed is given in the table below with examples for each.

V	[a.ʔi] ‘person’
VV	[ãĩ] ‘dog’
CV	[tʃã] ‘mother’
CVV	[khoa] ‘pumpkin’
Vʔ	[iʔ.fa] ‘we/they/you all bring’
VVʔ	[aiʔ.ʋo] ‘body’
CVʔ	[paʔ.tʃo] ‘dead’
CVVʔ	[dʒaiʔ.tʃo] ‘chair’

Prosody

Generally speaking, in the absence of a glottal stop, stress in A’ingae is found on the penultimate syllable as in examples (12a) and (12b). When a glottal stop is present however, stress is found on the syllable with the second mora before the glottal stop (Dąbkowski, 2020), compare examples (13a) and (13b). This is a stress pattern that is currently cross-linguistically unattested.

(12a) [ˈfe.t^ha] ‘open’

(12b) [fe.ˈt^ha.hi] ‘open-PRCM’

(13a) [ˈfe.t^ha.ʔhe] ‘open-IMPV’

(13b) [fɨn.ˈdɨi.ʔhe] ‘sweep-IMPV’

Stress can in some cases be contrastive, compare (14a) and (14b). (R-L)

(14a) [ˈnẽ.pi] ‘disappear’

(14b) [nẽ.ˈpi] ‘arrive’

Morphology

Morphology in A'ingae consists of stems, clitics, and suffixes. Free stems include nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbials, and meteorological stems (such as words for "wind", "rain", and "sun").

Tsetsû

tse=tsû

ANA.LOC=3

thesi

thesi

tiger

na'sûma

na'sû=ma

chief=ACC1

da

da

become

Tsetsû thesi na'sûma da

tse=tsû thesi na'sû=ma da

ANA.LOC=3 tiger chief=ACC1 become

"Then the tiger became the chief."

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Tsa

tsa

ANA

sinjûnkhû

sinjûnkhû

valley

rande

rande

big

tsampi

tsampi

forest

sepakhuefa

sepakhue=fa

behind=SH.LAT

Tsa sinjûnkhû rande tsampi sepakhuefa

tsa sinjûnkhû rande tsampi sepakhue=fa

ANA valley big forest behind=SH.LAT

"that big valley behind the forest"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Jipa

ji=pa

come=SS

ana

ana

sleep

a'ta

a'ta

day

Jipa ana a'ta

ji=pa ana a'ta

come=SS sleep day

"After coming (he) slept and dawned (=got up at dawn)"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

While many stems are free, there are also a number of bound stems, which typically express states of being or properties, and are in a class of "flexible stems" by themselves. In the following sentence, bia "long" is one of these bound stems.

Tutufa'khuvetsû

tutu=fa='khu=ve=tsû

white=SH.LAT=SH.ANG=ACC2=3

biaña'fa'ya

bia-ña='fa='ya

long-CAUS=PLS=VER

Tutufa'khuvetsû biaña'fa'ya

tutu=fa='khu=ve=tsû bia-ña='fa='ya

white=SH.LAT=SH.ANG=ACC2=3 long-CAUS=PLS=VER

"They lengthened (the cotton) into white rope."

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Beyond stems, A'ingae has both bound suffixes and clitics, specifically enclitics that appear after the stem. There are no known prefixes or proclitics. In glossed content, suffixes are typically notated with a hyphen, and clitics are notated with an equal sign. The language has a very rich inventory of clitics, that can appear either at sentence level or constituent level. Sentence-level clitics occur at second position, meaning they attach to the end of the first word in a sentence, and mark qualities such as subject and sentence type.

Atesûtiki

atesû=ti=ki

know=INT=2

keja

ke=ja

2.SG=CNTR

Secoya

Secoya

Secoya

a'ima

a'i=ma

person=ACC1

Atesûtiki keja Secoya a'ima

atesû=ti=ki ke=ja Secoya a'i=ma

know=INT=2 2.SG=CNTR Secoya person=ACC1

"Do you know Secoya people?"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Constituent-level clitics can either attach to the noun phrase or subordinate clause, or to the predicate clause. Clitics in the noun phrase occur in a fixed order, and can mark case, negation, and other grammatical features.

Jingesû

jingesû

HORT2

jaye

ja-ye

go-INF

tsa

tsa

ANA

a'i

a'i

person

cervezama

cerveza=ma

beer=ACC1

chavaenjeni

chava-en-je=ni

buy-CAUS-IMPV=LOC

Jingesû jaye tsa a'i cervezama chavaenjeni

jingesû ja-ye tsa a'i cerveza=ma chava-en-je=ni

HORT2 go-INF ANA person beer=ACC1 buy-CAUS-IMPV=LOC

"Let's go to where that man is selling beer."

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Juva

juva

DIST

ña

ña

1.SG

dû'shûndekhû'sû

dû'shû=ndekhû='sû

child=PLH=ATTR

dûshû

dû'shû

child

Juva ña dû'shûndekhû'sû dûshû

juva ña dû'shû=ndekhû='sû dû'shû

DIST 1.SG child=PLH=ATTR child

"those children of my children"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Suffixes also mark certain grammatical features. Some example include sentential type/mood, nominalization, and aspect. Passive, causative, and shape features are also indicated with suffixes.

Jungaesûmatsû

jungaesû=ma=tsû

what=ACC1=3

ñua'me

ñua'me

really

tsetse'pave

tsetse'pa=ve

chicha=ACC2

tsetse'paeñe

tsetse'pa-en-ñe

chicha-CAUS-INF

atseû'fa

atesû='fa

know=PLS

Jungaesûmatsû ñua'me tsetse'pave tsetse'paeñe atseû'fa

jungaesû=ma=tsû ñua'me tsetse'pa=ve tsetse'pa-en-ñe atesû='fa

what=ACC1=3 really chicha=ACC2 chicha-CAUS-INF know=PLS

"What did they use to make chicha with?"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Also present in the language is the process of reduplication, which expresses iterative aspect.

Tsunsi

tsun=si

do=DS

chapejuen

chape=ju=en

soften=SH.SFC=ADV

akesi

ake=si

warm.up=DS

kikhûkhûpa

kikhû~khû=pa

hurl~ITER=SS

Tsunsi chapejuen akesi kikhûkhûpa

tsun=si chape=ju=en ake=si kikhû~khû=pa

do=DS soften=SH.SFC=ADV warm.up=DS hurl~ITER=SS

"Then they cook and when they're warmed up, we crush them."

(From the "A'ingae Language Documentation Project" website)

Inflectional Template

Clitics and suffixes in the language have a relatively fixed order of how they will attach to a verb or predicate phrase. A template of that order is shown in the table below.

Dąbkowski's A'ingae Inflectional Template

Pronouns

Personal pronouns

	Singular	Plural
First person	ña "I, my"	ingi "we, our"
Second person	ke "you, your"	ke'i "you all, your"
Third person	tise "he/she/it, his/her/its"	tisepa "they, their"

Second person subject clitics

First person	=ngi
Second person	=ki
Third person	=tsû

Syntax

Constituent order in matrix clauses in A'ingae is relatively flexible, with SOV (or SO-predicate) considered basic. In embedded clauses, word order is more rigidly SOV/SOPred. Clauses must minimally consist of a predicate.

A'i

a'i

person

manima

mani=ma

peanut=ACC

isû

isû

take

A'i manima isû

a'i mani=ma isû

person peanut=ACC take

"The people took the peanuts"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Amûndetshive

amûnde=tshi=ve

dirty=ADJ=ACC2

tsun'faya

tsun='fa=ya

do=PLS=IRR

Amûndetshive tsun'faya

amûnde=tshi=ve tsun='fa=ya

dirty=ADJ=ACC2 do=PLS=IRR

"We'll make it dirty"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Chavangi

chava=ngi

buy=1

fûesû

fûesû

other

simba'khuma

simba'khu=ma

fishing.hook=ACC1

Chavangi fûesû simba'khuma

chava=ngi fûesû simba'khu=ma

buy=1 other fishing.hook=ACC1

"I bought a different fishing hook."

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Kanjen

kanjen

stay

Kanjen

kanjen

stay

"He stayed."

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Subordinate clauses are strictly predicate-final.

Ñaja

ña=ja

I=CNTR

asithaengi

asithaen=ngi

think=1

kinikhuve

[kinikhu=ve

tree-ACC2

daye

da-ye]

become-INF

Ñaja asithaengi kinikhuve daye

ña=ja asithaen=ngi [kinikhu=ve da-ye]

I=CNTR think=1 tree-ACC2 become-INF

"I think I'll become a tree."

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Case and Alignment

Case markers are constituent-level clitics.

Tayupija

tayupi=ja

former=CNTR

charapa

charapa

charapa.turtle

dû'sûchuve

dû'sûche=ve

egg=ACC2

kajeni

kaje=ni

downriver=LOC

jaje'fa'ya

ja-je='fa='ya

go-IMPV=PLS=VER

Tayupija charapa dû'sûchuve kajeni jaje'fa'ya

tayupi=ja charapa dû'sûche=ve kaje=ni ja-je='fa='ya

former=CNTR charapa.turtle egg=ACC2 downriver=LOC go-IMPV=PLS=VER

"In earlier times they used to go downriver for charapa eggs."

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

The full list of case markers is shown below.

=ma	ACC1	accusative 1
=ve/=me	ACC2	accusative 2
=mbe	BEN	benefactive
=i'khû	INST	instrument
=pi	LIM	limitative
=ni	LOC	locative
=ngae	MANN	manner, path
=ne	ABL	ablative

Note that there are two accusative case markers. Accusative 2 typically is used in negative sentences or when the P-argument is not yet present or does not exist, in contexts of expressing desire, causation, or creation.

Sentences follow a nominative-accusative pattern. A'ingae displays optional agreement--optional agreement in person using second position clitics, and optional agreement in number using the clitic ='fa--both of which agree with the subject argument. Within the noun phrase, there is no agreement.

Sentence Type

A'ingae distinguishes between several different sentence types. These distinctions are indicated using different morphosyntactic strategies. Declarative sentences can contain the optional veridical clitic ='ya. There are several imperative types, depending on what speech act is being performed, using either the imperative clitics =ja or ='se or the diminutive suffix ='kha. There is a distinction between yes/no interrogative and content interrogative sentences, with the former using the interrogative clitic =ti and the latter using the indeterminate/interrogative wh-word in the initial position (jungaesû ("what"), maki ("when"), mani ("where"), majan ("which"), mikun ("why"), mingae ("how")). Exhortative sentences use the hortative particle jinge. Prohibitive sentences use the clitic =jama. Below are some examples of these sentence types.

Assertive/Declarative

Tsumbate

tsun=pa=te

do=SS=RPRT

tsa

tsa

ANA

tisema

tise=ma

3.SG=ACC

se'jepa

se'je=pa

cure=SS

Tsumbate tsa tisema se'jepa

tsun=pa=te tsa tise=ma se'je=pa

do=SS=RPRT ANA 3.SG=ACC cure=SS

"They cured him"

(From the "A'ingae Language Documentation Project" website)

Setsanetatsû

setsa=ne=ta=tsû

low=ABL=NEW=3

ji'fa'ya

ji='fa='ya

come=PLS=VER

Setsanetatsû ji'fa'ya

setsa=ne=ta=tsû ji='fa='ya

low=ABL=NEW=3 come=PLS=VER

"They came from down river"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Imperative

Tsa'kaen

tsa='ka=en

ANA=CMP=ADV

tsunja

tsun=ja

do=IMP

Tsa'kaen tsunja

tsa='ka=en tsun=ja

ANA=CMP=ADV do=IMP

"Do it like that!"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Me'in

me'in

no

kanse

kan='se

look=IMP3

Me'in kanse

me'in kan='se

no look=IMP3

"Don't look (you shouldn't look)"

(From the "A'ingae Language Documentation Project" website)

Injan'fakha

injan='fa=kha

think=PLS=DMN

Injan'fakha

injan='fa=kha

think=PLS=DMN

"Mind you!/Just be careful!"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Yes/no-Interrogative

Fûesûti

fûesû=ti

other=INT

jin

jin

exist

Fûesûti jin

fûesû=ti jin

other=INT exist

"Is there another one?"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Content Interrogative

Majantsû

majan=tsû

which=3

ka'nia

ka'ni-a

enter-CAUS

Majantsû ka'nia

majan=tsû ka'ni-a

which=3 enter-CAUS

"Who let you in?"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Exhortative

Jinge

jinge

HORT

juvanga

juva=nga

DIST2=DAT

jaye

ja-ye

go-INF

Jinge juvanga jaye

jinge juva=nga ja-ye

HORT DIST2=DAT go-INF

"Let's go over there"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Prohibitive

Anthejama

anthe=jama

let.go=PRHB

chigane

chigane

please

Anthejama chigane

anthe=jama chigane

let.go=PRHB please

"Don't let it go please!"

(From Fischer, Rafael and Hengeveld, Kees)

Useful Words and Phrases

A'ingae	English gloss
kase'te	hello (morning)
kuse kuse	hello (evening)
jû	yes
me'in	no
dasû	OK; goodbye
Mingae ki	How are you?
Chiga tsû afepuenjan	Thank you (lit. "May God pay you")
Pañambingi	I don't understand
Ñutshi tsû	That's good; good
Chigai'khû	Goodbye (lit. "God with you")
Junguesû tsû?	What is this?
Majan tsû?	Who is it?
Junguesû inise ki?	What is your name?
Ña inise tsû ____.	My name is ____.
kûi'khû	banana drink
tsa'u	house
a'i	person; Cofán person
ña; aña'chu	meat
na'e	river
panzaye	to hunt
khuvû	moon
kue'je	sun

Further reading

• Dąbkowski, Maksymilian. 2021. A’ingae (Ecuador and Colombia) - Language Snapshot. Language Documentation and Description 20, 1-12.
• Baldauf, R. B., Kaplan, R. B., King, K. A., & Haboud, M. (2007). Language planning and policy in Latin America: Language Planning and Policy in Ecuador (Vol. 1). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
• Borman, M. B. (1962). "Cofan phonemes". In Elson, Benjamin; Peeke, Catherine (eds.). Studies in Ecuadorian Indian languages: I. SIL International Publications in Linguistics. pp. 45–59. Retrieved March 10, 2017.
• Borman, M. B. (1976). Vocabulario cofán: Cofán-castellano, castellano-cofán. (Serie de vocabularios indígenas Mariano Silva y Aceves, 19). Quito: Summer Institute of Linguistics.
• Borman, M. B. (1977). "Cofan paragraph structure and function". SIL International Publications in Linguistics. 52 (3): 289–338. Retrieved March 10, 2017.
• Borman, M. B. (1990). Cofan cosmology and history as revealed in their legends: The Cofan Alphabet. Quito, Ecuador: Instituto Linguistico de Verano.
• Cofán. (n.d.). Retrieved March 10, 2017, from https://www.ethnologue.com/language/con
• Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin; Bank, Sebastian, eds. (2016). "Cofán". Glottolog 2.7. Jena: Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History.
• Gijn, E. V., Haude, K., & Muysken, P. (2011). Subordination in native South-American languages. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Pub. Co.
• Klein, H. E., & Stark, L. R. (2011). South American Indian languages: retrospect and prospect. Austin: University of Texas Press.
• Lewis, M. Paul; Simons, Gary F.; Fennig, Charles D., eds. (2015). Ethnologue: Languages of Ecuador (PDF) (Report) (18th ed.). pp. 11–21. Retrieved March 10, 2017.

External links

• Alain Fabre, 2005, Diccionario etnolingüístico y guía bibliográfica de los pueblos indígenas sudamericanos: COFÁN
• ELAR archive of A'ingae language documentation materials
• Cofán (Intercontinental Dictionary Series)